Socialist Action (US)

The monthly paper of Socialist Action, San Francisco, 1983–2010

N.Y. cops torture youths

Socialist Action, Vol. 3, No. 6, June 1985 · scan pp. 18–19 · Cliff Conner · about 1,948 words

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Members of the United Democratic Front (UDF) carrying coffin of victim of apartheid in the Eastern Cape region of South Africa. Since September 1984, over 300 people have died at the hands of the repressive forces.

Sixteen UDF members face charges of treason in the biggest political 18 SOCIALIST ACTION JUNE 1985 CONFESS OR /PULL THE TRIGER DID YOU KILL FORTY-TWO OLD LADIES, ABRAHAM LNCOLN AND JFK?

Do I sion? WHeRE NEW YORK-New York City police have been caught torturing prisoners in their custody with electric-shock devices. Several youths have come forward to reveal the burn marks left on their bodies by electric "stun-guns, devices that can deliver jolts of up to 50,000 volts. Queens District Attorney John Santucci said the wounds "looked like fried flesh."

The first case to come to light was that of Mark Davidson, an 18-year-old student who had been picked up on April 17 on suspicion of selling $10 worth of marijuana. Sgt. Richard A. S. Africa (continued from page 1: “Philadelphia mayor covers up firebombing of Black community”)

the gold mines owe their high profits— even in the midst of South Africa's worst recession in 50 years-to the cheap labor provided by Black miners.

Beginning in the late 19th century, the gold mines provided the model for the superexploitation of Black people on which modern South African industry is based. The Chamber of Mines, a quasi-governmental agency associated with the six largest mining companies, maintained an elaborate labor recruiting system. Black workers and impoverished farmers were brought to the mines from as far north as Angola and Tanganyika.

The Black miners were restricted to labor camps or hostels, denied union representation, and paid a fraction of the wages received by white miners. According to South African law, for example, only whites may hold blasting certificates—which are necessary for promotion to higher paying jobs.

Even today, no more than 3 percent of Black mineworkers are permitted to live with their families. The law classifies the other 97 percent as "migrants," although the great majority were born within South Africa's traditional borders.

If they should attempt trade union action, which is highly restricted, Black miners may be subject to dismissal and deportation to artificially created "homelands."

Blacks who are deported may find themselves unable to work again. Unofficial unemployment rates in the "homelands" range from 40 to 80 percent.

Independent Black unions

Between 1973 and 1982 approximately 2120 strikes took place in South Africa, but only one was "legal."

An entire system of independent Black unions was organized parallel to the officially registered white trade unions that excluded Blacks. The all-white Mine Workers Union, for example, is notoriously racist.

In the midst of a giant strike wave in 1981, the government passed the Labour Relations Amendment Act, which permitted Black trade unions to register and opened the door to recognition by the employers.

As Minister of Manpower Fanie Botha put it, "We are registering Black trade unions in order to control their activities." Pike applied 40 shocks to Davidson while Officer Jeffrey Gilbert held him down. Davidson "confessed" when they threatened to use the stun-gun on his genitals.

Davidson's ordeal came to the attention of columnist Jimmy Breslin, whose revelations touched off a major scandal. Within days, four other men said they, too, had been tortured and displayed the distinctive stun-gun burns to back up their charges.

Juan Rentas, 17, said that while Officer Pike held him and Sgt. Gilbert tortured him, a number of other cops were in the room: "They were eating pizza and laughing."

Some of the victims reported that the white cops used racial slurs while assaulting them.

Pike, Gilbert, and two other cops from the 106th Precinct in Queens were arrested for participating in the torture sessions, although the official charge was merely "second-degree assault."

Also arrested was Lt. Steven Cheswick, the 106th Precinct's "Integrity Control Officer."

in 25 years. The trial is scheduled to resume in July.

The 1981 Act made the process of applying for government strike sanction so cumbersome that six to nine months. must elapse to obtain the "legal" right to strike. Strikes are prohibited outright Philadelphia (continued from page 1: “Philadelphia mayor covers up firebombing of Black community”) contradicted by the fire commissioner, William Richmond, who maintained that the original plan was to set the roof bunker ablaze in order to force people out of the house.

Richmond added that, at one point, firemen attempted to put out the fire, but were ordered to stop by police because the spray of water obscured the vision of cops who were shooting at people in the house.

"Children trapped in the flames"

Police Chief Sambor swore that "As far as we're concerned there was no possible danger to the children."

But one of the children who escaped, Birdie Africa, testified that the police shot at people who attempted to flee the burning house.

"The other people were trapped, MOVE spokesman Jerry Africa told Cheswick, whose job was to make sure no brutality or corruption took place at the station house, was himself indicted for beating a prisoner.

Following the revelation that a fox had been assigned to guard the henhouse, the scandal continued to grow. New York City Police Commissioner Benjamin Ward transferred the entire command of the 106th Precinct— 15 sergeants, three lieutenants and a captain-and forced three top commanders of the borough of Queens to "retire."

He also announced the "retirement" of the third-ranking official in the New York City Police Department.

Mayor Edward Koch's main concern has been to assure the public that the tortures were isolated incidents. "It is not systemic," he said. 'These cases are individual in nature."

That contention, however, is not consistent with the scope of the personnel changes implemented by Police Commissioner Ward, who acknowledged that the four "retired" commanders had been aware of the ongoing tortures. "There were enough signs out there so in many sectors. Meanwhile, the government has increased harassment, police violence, and arrests of trade unionists in strikes that it defines as "illegal."

Socialist Action. He said that Ramona Africa, who also escaped, told him that she was coming up the stairs from the basement when she saw that the house was on fire. "She hollered back to the rest of the people, Jerry Africa said, "and the rest tried to follow her out. But the police started shooting."

"When the police cordoned off the community with the children still in the house, Africa charged, "that was a deliberate attempt to see to it that the children were caught in the confrontation."

Police Chief Sambor admitted that he met with agents of the Federal Bureau of Investigation on May 11 to discuss plans for the assault. The meeting took place before MOVE members had finished fortifying their dwelling. According to Jerry Africa, the city refused to acknowledge that attorneys had worked out a peaceful accord several days before.

That's when the coverup began. that they shouk i have going on." he st ated.

A New York Daily News article (May 2) pointed out that the torture indictments were but "the latest in an unprecedented wave of violent criminal charges to hit members of the police forces."

According to the Police Department's own Civilian Complaint Review Board, 6698 complaints were filed last year against city cops for mistreatment and excessive force.

An opinion poll conducted on April 29 showed that the public's perception of the cops has been sharply affected by the torture revelations. The proportion of the city's population that disapproves of the way the average cop does his job has risen from 26 percent to 40 percent. Among Black New Yorkers, 59 percent disapprove—up from 39 percent.

The Police Commissioner's transfers and forced retirements-the most extensive shake-up in the department's history-are an attempt to restore public confidence in the cops. In reality, his actions amount to no more than a reshuffling of personnel.

The NUM has its origins in strike activities that began in July 1982. At that time the Chamber of Mines fixed wage rates unilaterally. Some 30,000 Black mineworkers came out on strike against the lowest wage increase in several years.

South African police brutally repressed the strike. At least 10 people were killed, hundreds were wounded, and more than 1000 were shipped off to the "homelands."

In response to this strike, the NUM was organized as an affiliate of the Council of Unions of South Africa. Between 1982 and 1985 the new union grew from 6000 to over 100,000 members. It is recognized by 14 mines.

In June 1983 the NUM achieved a major breakthrough when the Chamber of Mines agreed to recognize it. This was the first time that an independent Black trade union had received recognition. Within a week of the signing, negotiations began that obtained a pay increase of between 13.9 percent and 15.7 percent-compared to an 8 percent increase for white workers.

It was not altruism but the fighting strength of Black workers that moved mine owners to recognize the new union. Their strength and spirit is increasing. Both employers and workers agree that a major confrontation is mounting that could shake the entire apartheid system.

"We have more clout this time" says Cyril Ramaphosa. "And they know it."

When a mediator attempted to request that Mayor Goode delay the police mobilization, "his office said the mayor was out of town, Jerry Africa told me. "In fact he was at the police administration building the whole time planning the confrontation."

"MOVE is not a violent organization? Jerry Africa said. "We have been putting out information about the lies, corruption, and graft in the system— exposing all those politicians and judges-and they don't like it. They want us silenced."

MOVE is continuing to demand freedom for nine members of the group who were imprisoned after another police attack in 1978. "We have documentation that the city has violated the law and locked our brothers and sisters in prison," Jerry Africa said. "Why should we have to lose our lives to make the judiciary honor the Constitution? People all over the country should demand that this be investigated."

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Recently I had the opportunity to speak with one of the leading activists in anti-apartheid work in the San Francisco/Oakland Bay area. Willia Gray is her name, and she is a founding member of the Bay Area Free South Africa Movement (BAFSAM). Willia was one of the main speakers on South Africa at the April 20 rally in Willia is a professor at San Francisco State University and has been active on and off campus for many years. She was born in East Texas, where her father was a fighter for political, civil, and human rights. Racist threats forced him to leave the area with his She was involved in several Black struggles during the 1960s and '70s around housing and education and she was elected to the city council in East Palo Alto, Calif.—a majority Black city. In recent years, Willia has been active in the Haitian Refugee Asylum Coalition, the National Black Independent Political Party, and the Willia is concerned about the lack of response among Black Americans to atrocities perpetrated against Blacks around the world. "Jewish and Polish Americans react massively and immediately to injustices done to their people,, she emphasized. "We She pointed to the shootings of several Black youth by a racist in the New York City subways last year and the murderous acts of the South African government as examples of racist injustice that require a more active response among Black people.

Willia believes that the policies of the U.S. government that Fighting apartheid B KWAME M.A. SOMBURU San Francisco.

family.

Rainbow Coalition.

should do likewise." GO RUSSIANS? -NO, IT'S JUST THE PHILADELPHIA POLICE ON A CALL...

← Contents of Vol. 3, No. 6, June 1985

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