Philadelphia mayor covers up firebombing of Black community

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Special: Antiwar coalition sets new course, See pp. 9-12 callously denied that there had been any fatalities. The denials continued even after the Philadelphia Daily News The flames. had not yet consumed the West Philadelphia neighborhood when the coverup began. There were to be no witnesses. Residents were evacuated from four city blocks under penalty of arrest. Using tactics reminiscent of the invasion of Grenada, news reporters were kept away from the area during the battle and for five days until after police had sifted the ruins.

In the face of public outrage, Philadelphia Mayor Wilson Goode took "full responsibility" for dropping the bomb that killed 11 people-including four children. But he refused to accept the blame. "If I had to make the decision again," he said, "I would do it over and over again."

For 24 hours after the blast, Goode Police attack MOVE in 1978 reported that three bodies had been pulled from the rubble.

The coverup soon began to unravel. Mayor Goode claimed that members of the MOVE organization were "possi. bly" storing explosives. But no explosives were found. He said that MOVE members might have constructed tunnels underneath adjoining houses in order to blow up the neighborhood "to make international headlines."

But no tunnels were found and no evidence was produced to justify labeling MOVE members "terrorists.

Police Chief Gregore Sambor charged that MOVE members themselves had set fire to their house-a sort of mass suicide! He denied that his forces had dropped an incendiary device. But the police commissioner's version was (continued on page 18, in “N.Y. cops torture youths”)

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and looked at the National Guard and they looked at us. Finally, there was a big roar from the back of the trucks, Many of the leaders of the Socialist and they rolled back. We won that Workers Party, which I joined, were women, but many of them were the ones who did the office work too.

Women began to play more of a leaderIn my family the ideal situation was ship role during the days of the antiwar to get a decent-paying job, such as a tel- movement, but prior to that they didn't. ephone operator. That required a high- Women have made huge gains, but school education. Even to get a job at nobody gave it to them. They have the 10-cent store required a high-school fought for their rights every step of the education. I didn't finish high school. I way. That's why it's important that we finished the 10th grade. I'd been work- have an independent women's moveing at a regular paying job since I was ment. I don't look at the women's 12 years old. It was a way of taking movement as middle class. It's true the some of the burden off the family. leadership is by and large white middle When I got married my husband was class, but if we judge every organization I chose this project to help me find my own history. I come from a socialist fam- a seaman, and on his ship he met social- by its leadership, good luck. The rank ily where radicalism is the norm. I wanted to know why other women were drawn ists. This was during World War II. I to socialism, whether they had experienced sexism or tokenism on the left, and how remember getting a letter saying, "At I got involved in organizing the they felt socialism related to the women's movement. I wanted to know what being last, I've found it. I've found the Women's National Abortion Action truth!" I thought, "Oh, my god! He's Coalition, a huge nation-wide coalition The interviews were done as informal conversations because I wanted to let the become a Jehovah's Witness!" I didn't for the single issue of reproductive freewomen tell their own stories. One of the women is Sylvia Weinstein, a member of know what on earth he'd found. dom. The SWP played a major role in But I'll never forget the first time I Sylvia is 59 years old. She is a well-known activist and speaker for womens' heard the theory about class society and We got involved because we're rights. She also writes a column for Socialist Action. At the time of this interview how some people owned all the wealth women and because any political party she was running for the San Francisco Board of Supervisors. Here is her story. and other people, who did all the work, worth its salt is going to be in the fight where the people are. Otherwise they I was born in Lexington, Ky. Both don't have a grasp of reality. I never left my parents and my grandparents were the National Organization for Women born in the mountains of Kentucky. My (NOW), despite the leadership, and I'm family moved to Lexington in the 1920s.

My grandmother had 18 children, and my mother had six. I was the oldest daughter. I was born in 1926, three I was very involved in the Greyhound years before the Depression, but I don't strike, getting community support for think that the Depression made too the workers, working down at the union much difference for my family since we office, trying to set up food banks for the strikers and their families. The same We lived near the railroad tracks. was true when Local 1100 (San FranMen would come to the door, some- cisco department store workers) was on times women, and plead for food-just strike. What we try to do is promote food. And if all we had was beans and cornbread, that's what they got; what- There's always a million things to ever we ate, they ate. We never turned do-selling papers, going to campuses to distribute and post leaflets. I'm My family was hard-shell Baptist— always sneaking around with a staple very religious. My grandma took the gun! You want to tell people about socialism, but it's not enough to tell Bible literally and believed the earth was flat. I remember the first time I went to them. You've got to get involved. school and saw a globe. I came running I've been a socialist for 38 years and home and told my grandma the earth there hasn't been one time in my life that I didn't know this system is rotten.

Now she didn't believe in sparing the If they aren't doing it to me, they're doing it to someone in Africa or South rod at all, so she just laid into me. She smacked me in the mouth and said she America. And you've got to change it! never wanted to hear me blaspheme better get outta the way, grandma, or we There's never been a minute in my life I gonna run you over!" I'll never forget against God again. She said the earth was flat and Gabriel was gonna blow his it. I was really scared. My grandma The experiences I went through as a said, "Young man, I put diapers on men youngster, watching what workers can your age. So you want to run over me— In those days, women in the trade- do, not only convinced me of what union movement didn't gain leadership should be done-but that it can be The one who had the most influence They just stood toe to toe. Nobody because of sexism in the unions. It's a done! I'm convinced my life would've on me was my other grandmother. She moved. I remember it was a real hot sexism that's economic, part of our been absolutely dull had I not become a helped lead a strike in Middletown, day. It seemed like hours; we just stood whole social system. It's reflected Ohio. She worked in a tobacco factory that made chewing tobacco called "old My grandmother and a few other Join us in our goal of building a mass people working at this factory decided revolutionary organization working for By SUZANNE FORSYTH I interviewed five for a school project on the of why they socialists.

a socialist meant to them.

Socialist Action.

What do you need a union for?

were so poor to start with.

OK, "Dad".

How about raise? anyone away. was round. horn from the four corners.

We won the strike you just come right on!" plug."

Everything fell into place had nothing. That thing fell into place. Haven't I been like a father to / you?

Carol* Ask me again when you're a little older! among socialists, layer of society. still active in it. didn't feel that way.

too, and file are working women.

the building of that coalition.

Solidarity and socialism solidarity among workers. revolutionary socialist.