Traditional Bourgeois Parties Defeated in Uruguay

by Gerry Foley

On Oct. 31, the rising wave of revolt throughout Latin America against the imperialist and capitalist offensive known as neoliberalism brought a populist government into office in Uruguay.

The new Frente Amplio (Broad Front) government, headed by Tabare Vazquez Rosas, has the features of regimes that have recently taken office in the neighboring countries of Brazil and Argentina. The Nov. 1 New York Times (which headlined its story “Tiptoeing to the Left”) indicated that it expected the new Uruguayan government to follow the example of the other neopopulist regimes recently put in office in Latin America, which have continued neoliberal policies behind a different mask:

“In recent interviews, Sen. Danilo Astori, a moderate whom Dr. Vázquez has designated as his economy minister, has repeatedly said he plans to ‘follow the example of Lula,’ a reference to President da Silva of Brazil and the market-friendly policies he has pursued.”

The New York Times report stressed the financial pressures on the new government and the fact that, by its composition, it was not equipped to follow a consistent policy of breaking from neoliberalism: “Dr. Vázquez’s coalition is a rather ungainly beast, ranging from Communists to Christian Democrats, and he has sought to keep its various components happy with declarations that can be interpreted in many different ways.”

The Frente Amplio is what socialists call a popular front—that is, a coalition of workers parties and liberal bourgeois forces, whose internal contradictions keep it subordinated to the ruling rich.

As in Brazil, the first move of the new populist government in Uruguay was to assure big business that it would do nothing to harm their interests. The New York Times noted: The promise to follow Brazil’s conservative fiscal example has reassured many of the money managers who feared the worst when Mr. da Silva [Lula] was elected two years ago. ‘Everything is normal,’ one banker said. ‘Nobody is nervous, and money isn’t leaving the country.’”

Tabare Vazquez has retreated from any proposal to default on or disavow the country’s foreign debt, which equals its GNP. That means that he has tied his hands financially.

The New York Times did note that the Frente Amplio government might encounter a backlash from disappointed supporters: “‘The front has to carry out the program it promised us,’ said María Antonia Bello, 66, a widow who has seen the value of her pension reduced drastically by the economic crisis. ‘If not, the people will protest, and when it comes time to vote again, we will throw them out. We’re not going to accept another neoliberal government, indifferent to people’s social needs.’”

There have been examples of rapid disillusionment with populist governments recently in Latin America, with the approval ratings of the Toledo government in Peru and the Gutierrez government in Ecuador falling to the single digits. The Lula government has been able to maintain its support better because of its long march to victory but it is already showing signs of erosion.

The British Economist was less optimistic about the implications of the Frente Amplio government for international capitalism than The New York Times: “The main doubt is whether the rest of the Frente Amplio will accommodate Mr Astori’s realism or seek to sabotage it. The party’s plan for centralised labour negotiations would force the same wage deal on all firms in a sector, regardless of their productivity, points out Jorge Caumont, an economic consultant. “That will not help investment. Nor will the party’s campaigns against privatisation. Last year the Frente Amplio blocked private investment in the state energy firm, ANCAP, through a referendum. It is now backing one that would prohibit private ownership of water.”

The Mexico City daily La Jornada noted that the ballot had included a proposition for a constitutional amendment to ban privatization of the water supply. It passed by 65 percent.

The Frente Amplio’s overall majority was small, just over 50 percent. It is the first party or coalition in a long time to command a majority in both houses of congress. The coalition’s biggest vote-getter was Felipe Munica, a former urban guerrilla who spent 13 years of his life in prison in solitary confinement under the military dictatorship of the 1970s.

Regardless of the policies Munica follows in government, his election is symbolic of a rejection of the rightist policies imposed by the dictatorship. Moreover, the former governing party, the Colorados, suffered the biggest defeat in its history, being reduced to 10 percent of the vote. The bourgeois opposition party, the Blancos, got 34 percent. These parties had alternated in power since 1830.

The Uruguayan bourgeoisie obviously needs to rule behind a new face. The question is whether the Frente Amplio will be able to provide it for very long without shredding the mask.

The above article first appeared in the November 2004 issue of Socialist Action newspaper.