Self-Determination for Haiti! U.S. and U.N. Out!

By Marty Goodman

The criminal U.S.-led UN military intervention in Haiti is a continuation of 200 years of neo-colonialism. On Feb. 29, the United Nations Security Council handed George Bush a "mandate" to invade—with France, Canada, and Chile as accomplices.

This is the third U.S. occupation. The other two, no less criminal, were under Democratic Party presidents. Despite Washington's support to every dictatorship in Haiti's history, the U.S. has intervened each time in the name of "democracy."

On Feb. 29, armed Haitian gangs led by U.S.-trained Haitian army and CIA-linked paramilitary thugs deposed the government of President Jean-Bertrand Aristide. The U.S. waited until the armed groups had surrounded the capital and gave Aristide an offer they thought he could not refuse. As Aristide left Haiti aboard a U.S. Air Force plane, the insurgents entered the capital of Port au Prince unopposed.

President Aristide called it "a coup" and claimed he was kidnapped. He was taken aboard a U.S. Air Force plane, destination unknown, to the Central African Republic. Aristide is currently in Jamaica, 100 miles from Haiti.

Aristide calmed the jittery nerves of the region's bourgeoisie by promising not to "do anything that is political … [that] could hinder the peace." With racist arrogance, President George Bush announced during the crisis that the U.S. Coast Guard will "turn back any refugee that attempts to reach our shore." The Coast Guard kidnapped more than 1000 refugees and sent them back to the political violence in Haiti. So far, over 300 have died in the fighting there, and thousands of military and paramilitary thugs have been released from prison.

Bush's Haitian racist refugee policy violates U.S. immigration law and the 1967 UN Protocol on Refugees, signed by the U.S. In contrast, Cuban exiles routinely receive political asylum in the U.S.

A new puppet government

On March 16, Haiti's interim prime minister, Gerard Latortue, announced the appointment of 11 of 13 cabinet posts in the new puppet government. None were from the Lavalas Family Party of the ousted president.

The cabinet appointments, overseen by U.S. officials, were cynically hailed as a step toward "peace." Praising Latortue, The Miami Herald wrote, "Only someone … above the political fray can guide Haiti towards elections." The Herald urged Caribbean leaders who have called for an investigation of the U.S. role in Haiti to end the "pointless debate and support the interim government." In 1988, Latortue was in the cabinet of Haitian President Leslie Manigat, a civilian politician acceptable to the brutal military and paramilitary that gunned down voters in the November 1987 presidential elections.

Thus far, the number of U.S. troops in Haiti is over 1600, mostly in the capital of Port au Prince. French troops fanned out from the capital to occupy the northern city of Gonaives on March 18, where the insurgency began in February.

Gonaives is the birthplace of the Haitian slave revolution, which declared its independence from France in 1804. The presence of French troops in Gonaives is a racist slap in the face for Haitians everywhere!

Aristide begged for intervention

On Feb. 29, the UN, anxious to "make-up" with U.S. imperialism over Iraq, handed Bush a Security Council "mandate" to occupy Haiti for 60 days, to be joined by France, Canada, and Chile. The occupation represents a victory for "Aristide haters" in the Bush administration like Roger Noriega, the U.S. Undersecretary of State for Western Hemispheric Affairs.

But Aristide begged for intervention. Although masking his language, he deceived no one except his apologists on the U.S. left. "Hurry. Hurry to stop these terrorists," he told the press. Aristide pleaded, "We need the presence of the international community as soon as possible."

In 1994, Aristide pleaded with President Clinton to intervene to unseat a brutal CIA-supported military coup, rather than organize a Haitian resistance. Some 6000 Haitians died before Clinton returned Aristide to power, but not before Aristide had signed-off on an agreement to pursue World Bank starvation policies and "reconciliation" with the coup-makers.

"Don't examine it, just sign it," Aristide was told by then UN Secretary General Boutros Boutros-Ghali, The New York Times reported. Previously, Aristide had promised "never, never, never" to invite foreign occupation.

Aristide was once a self-proclaimed "socialist" but led a capitalist government that, with some hesitation, pursued World Bank policies on privatization, lifting tariffs on foreign goods, and encouraging foreign-owned sweatshops. His movement was called "The Lavalas," meaning 'sudden flood' in Haitian Creole.

Aristide was first elected in December 1990, with 67.7 percent of the vote. The Lavalas had mass support among the poor majority—most Haitians live on less than $1 a day—but was led by middle-class opportunists with a reputation for corruption.

In 1994, Aristide's pleas for intervention were echoed within the Democratic Party, particularly by members of the Black Congressional Caucus (CBC). In 2004, Democratic Party cheerleaders for U.S. imperialism again lined-up for intervention, including Massachusetts Sen. John Kerry and members of the CBC such as Charles Rangel (New York City), Maxine Waters (Los Angeles), and Barbara Lee (Oakland).

Also prominent was Randall Robinson, formerly of the anti-apartheid organization Trans Africa, who lobbied the CBC for intervention as in 1994. Randall's wife, Hazel Ross-Robinson, is a paid lobbyist for the Aristide government.

The lessons of Haiti

Haiti has shown the world once again that the UN represents the interests of imperialism and World Bank starvation policies. It is not an alternative to U.S. policies anywhere.

After stabilizing Haiti for international capitalism for some 10 years Aristide was incapable of mounting armed resistance to armed thugs who numbered 200-300 at most. Moreover, mass discontent with Aristide was evident. Aristide had outlived his usefulness to imperialism as a leader that could contain unrest.

Had a mass workers party existed in Haiti they could have repelled the thugs and perhaps challenged the rule of the Lavalas government. Unfortunately, that party does not yet exist. The only solution in Haiti will lie in building such a revolutionary party, capable of, with the help of workers in other countries, eliminating poverty and misery in Haiti for good.

The article above first appeared in the April 2004 issue of Socialist Action newspaper.