‘The powerful forces of change’
2017 2017-02Read it in the scan (PDF at ETOL), page 7 →
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Civil rights activist Angela Davis who is known for writing such books as “Women, Race, and Class,” spoke at the Women’s March in Washington. She asked the audience to become more militant in their demands for social justice over the next four years of Trump’s presi dency.
Here is the full transcript of Angela Davis’ Women’s March speech: A mind ourselves that we, the hundreds of thou t a challenging moment in our history, let us re sands, the millions of women, trans-people, men and youth who are here at the Women’s March, we represent the powerful forces of change that are determined to prevent the dying cultures of racism, hetero-patriarchy from rising again.
We recognize that we are collective agents of his tory and that history cannot be deleted like web pag es. We know that we gather this afternoon on indig enous land and we follow the lead of the first peoples who despite massive genocidal violence have never relinquished the struggle for land, water, culture, their people. We especially salute today the Standing Rock Sioux.
The freedom struggles of Black people that have shaped the very nature of this country’s history can not be deleted with the sweep of a hand. We cannot be made to forget that Black lives do matter.
This is a country anchored in slavery and colonial ism, which means for better or for worse the very his tory of the United States is a history of immigration and enslavement. Spreading xenophobia, hurling ac cusations of murder and rape and building walls will not erase history. No human being is illegal.
The struggle to save the planet, to stop climate change, to guarantee the accessibility of water from the lands of the Standing Rock Sioux, to Flint, Michi gan, to the West Bank and Gaza. The struggle to save our flora and fauna, to save the air—this is ground zero of the struggle for social justice.
This is a women’s march, and this women’s march represents the promise of feminism as against the pernicious powers of state violence. And inclusive and intersectional feminism that calls upon all of us to join the resistance to racism, to Islamophobia, to anti-Semitism, to misogyny, to capitalist exploitation.
Yes, we salute the fight for 15. We dedicate our selves to collective resistance. Resistance to the bil lionaire mortgage profiteers and gentrifiers. Resis tance to the health-care privateers. Resistance to the attacks on Muslims and on immigrants. Resistance to attacks on disabled people. Resistance to state violence perpetrated by the police and through the prison industrial complex. Resistance to institution al and intimate gender violence, especially against trans women of color.
Women’s rights are human rights all over the plan et, and that is why we say freedom and justice for Palestine. We celebrate the impending release of Chelsea Manning. And Oscar López Rivera. But we also say free Leonard Peltier. Free Mumia Abu-Jamal. Free Assata Shakur.
Over the next months and years we will be called upon to intensify our demands for social justice to become more militant in our defense of vulnerable populations. Those who still defend the supremacy of white male hetero-patriarchy had better watch out.
The next 1459 days of the Trump administration will be 1459 days of resistance: Resistance on the ground, resistance in the classrooms, resistance on the job, resistance in our art and in our music.
This is just the beginning, and in the words of the inimitable Ella Baker, “We who believe in freedom cannot rest until it comes.” Thank you. n (continued from page 6: “From protest to movement”) forces in the U.S. and around the world in the wake of this wave of protest. What is at stake, and also the possibilities opened up, are un doubtedly greater in the immediate in the U.S. But as women around the world fight to defend and extend their rights, this protest movement is a sign of the possibilities to build their own movements, whether for the right to abortion in Ireland and Poland, against violence in India and South Africa, against feminicide in Mexico, and for women’s rights as human rights every where. n Penelope Duggan is a member of the bureau of the Fourth International and editor of the on-line journal International Viewpoint. She is a member of the New Anti-capitalist Party in France. of the NPA in France.
SOCIALIST ACTION FEBRUARY 2017 7
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... Break with the two capitalist parties!
(continued from page 1: “How to fight Trump? Break with both capitalist parties!”) ous administrations, allowing the huge energy giants like Exxon and Chevron to exploit Iraq’s oil resources through “legal” means. Either way, mega-profits end up in the hands of the same capitalist oil barons. Reactionary executive orders During his first week, Trump made sweeping ex ecutive orders to begin implementation of his party’s reactionary agenda. Here are some of the most sig nificant:
• Health care: Allowed government agencies and states to waive or delay implementation of Afford able Care Act provisions and undermine existing insurance markets. These actions threaten the exist ing insurance-based system and could result in the loss of health insurance coverage for over 20 million Americans.
• Women’s reproductive rights: Reinstated the so-called “Mexico City Policy,” which prohibits use of taxpayer money to fund non-governmental organiza tions (NGOs) that perform or promote abortions. One NGO that promotes family planning reports that loss of funding will result in 2.1 million unsafe abortions worldwide.
• Climate change: Provided backing for construction of both the Dakota Access and Keystone XL Pipelines. TransCanada, the energy giant behind the XL Pipeline, is instructed to re-submit its application for a presi dential permit to construct the pipeline and promises action by the Secretary of State within 60 days.
• Immigration: Orders were issued to: take first steps to construct a wall along the U.S.-Mexico border, which will cost up to $25 billion; construct and op erate detention facilities near the border; hire 5000 additional Border Patrol agents and 10,000 addi tional immigration officers to intensify harassment; empower state and local police agencies to act as im migration officers; target undocumented immigrants for removal who have been convicted or accused of a law violation; end federal aid to “sanctuary cities”; institute a 90-day ban of nearly all permanent immi gration from seven majority Muslim countries (Iraq, Syria, Iran, Sudan, Libya, Somalia, and Yemen), with provision to extend the ban indefinitely; suspend the entry of refugees into the U.S. for 120 days, and direct officials to determine additional screening; suspend entry of refugees from Syria indefinitely.
The sweeping executive orders signify a major esca lation in a racist war on immigrants and immigration rights. The new restrictions constitute state-spon sored religious persecution of Muslims; Trump said priority for admission would be given to Christians. These immigration orders need to be forcefully con demned by all who support and value democratic freedoms; the demonstrations that have erupted in cities and airports around the country point the way forward.
Outpouring of protest in the streets Even before Trump’s inauguration, a massive outcry of opposition was already erupting. Millions have tak en to the streets in this country and around the globe.
Most prominent were historic Woman’s Marches 8 SOCIALIST ACTION FEBRUARY 2017 in over 600 U.S. cities and on seven continents, in volving over 4 million worldwide. This was the most powerful mass protest in U.S. history. Over 600,000 protested in Washington, D.C., 750,000 in Los Ange les, 500,000 in New York City and 250,000 in Chicago, but these are just the largest.
The Woman’s Marches were fueled by widespread revulsion with Trump’s sexist actions and state ments, and strong support for abortion rights and other woman’s right’s issues. Strong opposition to other aspects of Trumps agenda were raised in home made signs and banners. Special focus centered on the fightback against Trump’s racist anti-Black, antiLatino, anti-Native American, and anti-immigrant policies. Many protesters were also fighting for health care, climate justice, and LGBT rights.
The message was crystal clear—a resounding “no” to the plans of Trump and his reactionary cohorts. The woman organizers of the protest developed a powerful “Guiding Vision and Defining Principles” document that codified the goals of the march. It ex pressed a realization that all forms of oppression are connected and related; and to fight against one can require a fight against all.
This represents an important step for the wom en’s movement, one that points toward generalized awareness that the system itself breeds these injus tices. As socialists and Marxists, we believe that all forms of oppression have their roots in the capitalist system, one that is organized for profit rather than human needs.
The power of the woman’s march was also reflected in the very large number of marchers who demon strated for the first time. This first experience in in dependent political action can have a large impact on political consciousness.
A few unions endorsed the Woman’s Marches, but sadly, the vast majority of unions were not sup porters. Substantial union participation would have greatly enhanced the power and strength of the movement and more broadly reflect the support of American workers.
Democrats try to mislead protesters The Democratic Party and its support groups have played a prominent role in the organization of many anti-Trump protests, including the Women’s Marches. At a number of these events, office holders, officials, and organizers who are affiliated or aligned with the Democratic Party were prominent on speaker plat forms and set a political tone designed to channel ac tivists into various lobbying efforts to advance future electoral success.
Left-liberal Democrats are strongly promoting “100 Days of Resistance,” urging lobbying actions designed to block the Republican congressional agenda and promote local and national electoral campaigns. They urge protest activists to lobby members of Congress, run for local offices as Democrats, and work with organizations committed to “taking over the Demo cratic Party.”
The notion that the Democratic Party, built on end less wars and racism, can be “taken over” and trans formed from a capitalist party to one that represents Protests against the racist policies of the Trump administration have taken place worldwide.
(Left) Students in Leeds, England.
working people is pure fantasy, and will only confuse and disorient the movement. It’s part of a broader ef fort to manipulate independent struggle, tamp down its militancy, and channel new activists into an elec toral framework and capitalist politics. Obama cor rectly explained the common ruling-class interests of the two major parties after the election when he re minded his supporters, “We are all on the same team.”
This has been the primary role of the Democratic Party throughout history. In past elections, the Dem ocrats often presented themselves as champions of working-class and minority communities. But dur ing the 2016 presidential race, Hillary Clinton’s cam paign largely took these traditional allies for granted and more openly featured full-throated support for Wall Street interests, leaving the field wide open for Trump’s populist message.
The preceding eight years of a Democrat in the White House proved to be anything but “hope and change” for working people. It started with bailouts of the giant financial firms and auto barons, while the working class fell victim to large-scale unemploy ment, union-busting wage cuts, home foreclosures, and other austerity measures.
These years produced record profits for the tiny few and soaring income inequality. Good paying jobs remained scarce, with growing poverty and home lessness. The Democrats paid little attention to the despair and anger that was growing, and were only concerned with counting heads when it came time to “get people to the polls.”
The illusion that fundamental social progress can be won under the leadership of the Democratic Party, or any capitalist political party, is one that is challenged directly by revolutionary Marxists. This is borne out by history.
Some Democratic Party-influenced anti-Trump pro tests portrayed the election as “illegitimate” because Trump’s victory was determined by the Electoral College, despite Clinton’s winning the popular vote. This is premised on the conception that, despite a few flaws, the U.S. government operates on principles of democracy and majority rule. Instead, a tiny capitalist ruling class maintains its rule through a highly orga nized and repressive state apparatus. It will maintain its vital interests through brutal force and violence whenever necessary.
The democratic rights available to working people were won through bitter and hard fought working-class battles over years past.
Presidential elections were never based on major ity rule. This is why the Electoral College was codi fied in the Constitution in the first place, along with other measures designed to ensure domination by the wealthier strata of society. Today, eliminating the Electoral College would not make U.S elections demo cratic. The restrictions imposed by the rigid two-par ty electoral system are one reason for this.
An onerous set of undemocratic election laws ef fectively lock competing political parties out and restrict their ability to compete. These laws create insurmountable obstacles for smaller parties to gain ballot status and participate in forums and debates.
The Democratic Party’s strategy relies on bickering over Trump’s cabinet appointments and participa tion in electoral activities, keeping opposition to new attacks within the narrow framework of the routine legislative sparring between the two big capitalist parties.
We need a fundamentally different approach—a strategy that builds massive independent actions in the streets opposing all racist attacks; assaults on woman’s, LGBT, Native, and immigration rights; for climate justice; and opposing all austerity measures designed to drive down the standard of living of U.S. workers. Powerful independent demonstrations in the streets around these issues can provide a political impact truly capable of defeating Trump’s ugly plans.
There are signs that the growing movement has be gun to include sections of the U.S. working class that have a major stake in the battle—including African Americans, Latinos, and all immigrant communities. These forces will play a big role in future class battles.
Unfortunately, today’s unions and many tradi tional organizations of the oppressed communities are hobbled by a severe crisis of leadership, utterly enmeshed in Democratic Party politics. Hopefully, the organized labor movement, when faced with the inevitable attacks from the new Republican admin istration, will begin to rely on its own strength and power, rather than following the bankrupt strategy of the Democrats.
Ultimately, the fightback will require working peo ple and their allies to make a clean break with the Democrats and to form their own political party. n