Chilean coup: The first 9/11

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S violent 1973 coup in Chile against the elected left ept. 11, 2016, marks the 43rd anniversary of the popular front government of Salvador Allende. Like the ancient Roman god Janus, imperialism has two faces. One face is political, the other economic. We must, if we wish to change the world, understand both faces. The first 9/11, as the coup is sometimes called now in Chile, provides us a glimpse of the political face of imperialism.

Chile is one of the most economically developed countries in Latin America and has been a major supplier of crucial natural resources for the capital­ ist world system for over 200 years—first guano in the 1800s, used for fertilizer, and later copper in the 1900s. Today, it is still the leading source of copper in the world as well as the second leading source of lithium. In addition, Chile is a major supplier of fruit, wine, and salmon to the world market.

As capitalism transformed the earlier latifundio system (large landed estates producing food for lo­ cal markets) and exploited the mineral wealth of the country, a strong working class arose. The working class was represented by a mass-based Socialist Party (founded in 1933), and a mass-based Communist Par­ ty (founded in 1922) that later aligned itself with the Stalinist leadership of the USSR.

A number of reforms were carried out in the 1960s under Christian Democratic presidents, but these reforms did not satisfy the growing working class. In 1970, Unidad Popular, a coalition of the Socialist Party and the Communist Party—along with the mod­ erately leftist Radical Party and other forces—won the presidency in a three-way race that split the vote between the ruling-class parties, the Christian Demo­ crats and the right-wing National Party. The candidate for the Unidad Popular coalition was Dr. Salvador Al­ lende. Allende represented the left wing of the Social­ ist Party and had served for many years as a senator in the Chilean congress, where he was known as a strong defender (and participant) in strikes and unionization drives. Unidad Popular won 36% of the vote.

Unidad Popular sought a path to socialism within the rule of law, relying on the electoral process, as well as mass actions such as strikes, organizing drives, and marches. After Allende’s election in 1970, workers and peasants began to take more direct action, expro­ priating large estates and factories. Unidad Popular nationalized the large mines, transformed the educa­ tion system, and carried out a massive land reform. An immediate impact was that real wages increased by over 20% in 1970-71; real minimum wages for bluecollar workers increased by over 50%.

The Empire strikes back U.S. intervention in Chile was in line with Washing­ ton’s long-standing policy in the areas of the world considered under “our,” meaning the U.S. imperialist, sphere of influence. When possible, the U.S. imperial­ ists would rule through elected pro-capitalist govern­ The coup started in the early morning of Sept. 11. The navy revolted first and seized control of Valparaiso (where the navy high-command is based). The army and air force soon followed by surround­ ing and attacking the Palacio de la Mone­ da, the Chilean White House located in the heart of Santiago.

The military selected Sept. 11 in order to prevent Allende from announcing a national plebiscite on his government, a measure he hoped would forestall a civil war or military coup. Allende planned on resigning if he lost the plebiscite. Allende killed himself shortly after addressing the nation for the last time in order to prevent his capture by the military. After destroy­ ing much of the Palacio de la Moneda, the military took control of the building and of the entire government.

The junta quickly acted to reverse all of the progressive measures taken by the Unidad Popular government and to im­ plement an economic “reform package.” The economic measures were contained in a document called “the brick” (el la­ drillo) for its size—over 500 manuscript pages. The brick was developed by con­ servative economists working for the CIA. Pinochet soon emerged as the key fig­ ure in the junta, in part because of his cre­ ation and direct control of a new secret police force, La DINA, made up of members from all the military services, CIA operatives, and members of the paramilitary groups. The structure and training of DINA was provided by the CIA, allowing Pinochet to create it quickly.

DINA soon carried out a series of brutal killings and tortures, including of military offices who did not sup­ port the coup. By the end of 1973, over 1823 politi­ cal leaders and activists had been killed. The killings were not random but often used CIA kill lists of lead­ ing figures prepared before the coup. Tens of thou­ sands were held as political prisoners or tortured, while hundreds of thousands fled to exile or were forced to leave.

The struggle against the dictatorship Both the Socialist Party of Chile and the Communist Party of Chile talked of armed resistance to a military coup. While a few plans were made, they were poorly conceived, and the workers’ organizations were given no arms to resist the coup either before or immedi­ ately after Sept. 11, 1973. Both political parties were shattered by the repression but had somewhat recov­ ered by the early 1980s, when they started organizing within Chile, creating an underground resistance.

The Socialist Party opted for protest in coalition with the Christian Democrats and other groups who had also been repressed by Pinochet. In the late 1980s, the Socialists moved more and more to “legal” and “con­ stitutional” methods to counter the Pinochet regime.

Around 1977, the Communist Party began to advo­ cate armed resistance, creating an armed wing, the Manuel Rodriguez Patriotic Front (FPMR in its Span­ ish acronym). The FPMR’s most dramatic act was the failed assassination attempt on Pinochet in September 1986. The FPMR later broke from the CP, and most of its members were captured and killed. The sabotage and killings carried out by the FPMR had little effect on the regime other than to increase the political re­ pression. In addition, a third group that had given sup­ port to the Allende government, the MIR (Movement of the Revolutionary Left), attempted some armed ac­ tions against the Pinochet regime.

In 1988, the opposition succeeded in forcing a na­ tional plebiscite on the dictatorship. The “no” vote won by 54.7% and thus forced a transition to a man­ aged “democracy,” with Pinochet remaining com­ mander in chief of the armed forces and a senator for life. The constitution was highly restrictive, although some of the most undemocratic provisions were later removed. To this day, Chile remains one of the most neo-liberal capitalist states in the world, with a high level of privatization in all sectors. In recent years, the Socialist and Communist parties have returned to government, sharing power with the Christian Demo­ crats and other pro-capitalist, “center-left,” and re­ formist parties.

We must remember the experience in Chile, the les­ sons both positive and negative, as we struggle for a better world. n