To the Masses!

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John Riddell and Mike Taber, “To the Masses” (Hay­ market Books 2016), 1299 pp., $55 T effort over many years that has brought us “To the hanks to John Riddell and Mike Taber for the huge Masses” and the other wonderful books that make up their series on the Communist International in Len­ in’s time. Now in print is nearly the entire documen­ tary record of the first four historic congresses, rich in lessons for the entire working-class movement.

I finished reading To the Masses recently, and what an interesting journey it was! In some ways it reads like a good novel, telling the fascinating story of the central political struggle of the Third Congress. The appendices are excellent, and I followed John’s advice to read them as they are referenced in the main body of the book. I found myself frequently flipping be­ tween the chapters and the Appendices. This helped me follow the political debate, and allowed a fuller appreciation of the unfolding story.

Most valuable to me were insights into the Comin­ tern leadership—how they interacted and engaged others in political discussion and debate. But most interesting was how these leaders led (or attempted to lead) on the most critical political questions— both when adherence to political principle was para­ mount, and compromise was an absolute necessity.

In some cases, the path forward required parting ways with currents that had become mired in nation­ al chauvinism and opportunism. But in the absence of fundamental differences, Comintern leaders were tireless in efforts to bring competing currents togeth­ er to create stronger national sections. High priority was placed on avoiding unnecessary splits in these sections.

Despite the quality and experience of the Russian leaders, the task of building a centralized Interna­ tional seemed at times beyond their capabilities. Building an International in the conditions they faced was clearly a huge step into largely uncharted waters.

When challenged at the Congress, leaders of the Communist International Executive Committee (ECCI) admitted to serious errors in the direction they provided national sections. To help correct these errors they repeatedly pleaded with national sec­ tions to assign its central leaders to work in the In­ ternational center, and thereby strengthen the work of the ECCI.

Lenin was in attendance at some of the plenary ses­ sions, but missing from others. However, he often was active in hallway debates among delegates, some­ times unexpectedly popping in on important com­ mission sessions with a powerful verbal message.

For much of the congress, Lenin was part of the mi­ nority, on the political “right” wing. And he seemed quite natural in this role. He appeared comfortable in warding off harsh polemical attacks, and was un­ fazed even when these harsh polemics came from the youngest, least experienced delegates. It was common for the most prestigious and authoritative party leaders to be severely criticized during intense, though generally comradely, political debate.

One major discussion at the congress was the role of the German party (VKPD) in the “March Action” it had initiated during March 1921. In response to provoca­ tive police actions against miners in Central Germany, the VKPD launched initiatives in action designed to spark (or push) the working class into a more gen­ eralized revolutionary uprising. These VKPD actions resulted in a serious working-class defeat.

Lenin and Trotsky both spoke out forcefully against the ultra-left strategy and tactics employed by the ... War in Syria (continued from page 8: “U.S. threatens Syria war escalation”) school. If you do, we will get the backpack and you will get the coffin.’ Then they destroyed factories, hoping that unemployed workers would have no recourse other than to become fighters. They trucked looted machinery to Turkey and sold it.”

Kinzer presents accounts that “Turkish-Saudi backed ‘moderate rebels’ showered the residential neighbor­ hoods of Aleppo with unguided rockets and gas jars.”

Today, at the behest of the U.S., the Saudi government was assigned to form a “High Negotiations Committee” supposedly to represent at the bargaining table all forces that seek the overthrow of the Syrian government—ter­ rorists and U.S. stooges alike. There are no “progres­ sive” or “moderate” forces in this imperialist cabal.

With the Russian intervention, again at the invitation of the Syrian government, the influence of U.S.-backed forces is declining, hence the heightened threats of a U.S. air war signaled by the “51” U.S. diplomats. German party, and ran into a whirlwind of criticism by the German delegation and many other delegates at the congress.

At a plenary discussing Strategy and Tactics Lenin presented a minority viewpoint: “If the congress is not going to wage a vigorous offensive against such errors, against such ‘leftist’ stupidities, the whole movement is doomed. That is my deep conviction … we are organized and disciplined Marxists ... We Rus­ sians are already sick and tired of these leftist phras­ es. We are people of organization. In drawing up our plans, we must proceed in an organized way and try to find the correct line … Show me a party that has already won the majority of the working class … we must win the majority of the working class… “In Europe, where almost all the proletarians are organized, we must win the majority of the working class. Anyone who fails to understand this is lost to the Communist movement; he will never learn any­ thing if he has failed to learn that much three years after the great revolution” (pp. 465-67).

In a subsequent session Trotsky followed up on this theme:

“This celebrated philosophy of the offensive, which is completely non-Marxist, has arisen from the fol­ lowing curious outlook: ‘A wall of passivity is gradu­ ally rising, which is ruining the movement. So let us advance, and break through this wall!’… We are ob­ ligated to say frankly to the German working class that we regard this philosophy of the offensive as the greatest of dangers, and that to apply it in practice Today the UN reports that there are 65 million refugees and displaced people in the world, the great majority in the Middle East and Africa—almost all the victims of the chaos reigned on poor nations by the imperial pow­ ers, who seek the re-colonization of the planet by what­ ever means required. These include endless covert and overt wars, drone wars, privatized death squad wars and wars orchestrated by subservient U.S. allies. On Russian intervention The fact that the Russian, Iranian, and Hezbollah in­ terventions in Syria have thwarted U.S. regime change efforts, at least for the moment, is a plus for Syria re­ gardless of Russian intentions. Syria’s right to self-de­ termination, that is, its freedom from U.S. imperialist intervention, however constricted under the present cir­ cumstances, opens far greater opportunities for Syrians to rebuild and organize for their own class interests than under the imperialist boot.

While the Russian government has repeatedly indicat­ ed its willingness to partner with the U.S. in a brokered “negotiated” settlement wherein President Assad could be “peacefully transitioned” out of office, the objective (Left) Clara Zetkin.

is the greatest of political crimes … It is sometimes forgotten that we learn the art of strategy, precisely and soberly estimate the enemy’s power, and analyse the situ­ ation, rather than rushing into battle to break the wall of passivity or, in the words of another comrade, ‘to activate the par­ ty’” (pp. 578-79).

But I most appreciated what I learned about Clara Zetkin, and the prominent political role she played. What principled and courageous leadership she demon­ strated at the congress! With very few backers initially, she stood in firm oppo­ sition to the congress majority, and was passionate and committed to her position. Zetkin’s steadfastness had a huge impact on the debate and helped change many minds, which proved critical in altering the political direction of the congress. In one congress session she said: “Comrades, here is my position: Because the Zentrale (Central Bureau of German CP) had an incorrect political orientation to the revolutionary offensive, it came to a false position regarding the March strug­ gle and was not in a position to carry out the struggle in the necessary fashion … the errors of the March Action were not mistakes like those that take place in ev­ ery struggle and are to some degree un­ avoidable. Rather the mistakes were or­ ganically rooted in the erroneous theory of the offensive itself … In the future, ac­ tions will be required that are a question of life or death for the party. If they are conducted according to the schema set up by the new theory, that means destruc­ tion of the party, and the revolutionary proletariat in Germany will thereby lose the leadership it requires.”

She then challenged the congress to broaden the debate:

“I will express this opinion of ours frankly, although it will encounter vigorous resistance. Along with many comrades in Germany and other countries, I firmly believe that criticism of the errors and mis­ takes must not be restricted to the party organization and the party press. This criticism should properly be presented to the broadest public and the masses themselves … Our workers themselves … demand that the errors and weaknesses of the party be openly discussed, because such debates, if conducted objec­ tively, are educational and enlightening for them as well. The proletarians have a right to this in another sense as well. They must pay for our policies and our errors through their sacrifices, their liberty, and their lives” (pp. 545-47).

For the most part, democratic processes prevailed at the congress. A vibrant and healthy political de­ bate and discussion was certainly on display, and the Third Congress and the International clearly benefit­ ed from it.

I plan to devote some time spreading the word on the importance of this work. “To the Masses” con­ tains important lessons for anyone seeking a better understanding of revolutionary Marxist history, and also for those working to advance the struggles of the working class and oppressed. n effect of Russia’s intervention has been to weaken the imperialist grip on Syria. Such a defeat for the U.S. gov­ ernment would represent a significant gain for the Syrian masses.

Few doubt that the Vladimir Putin government is quali­ tatively less concerned with Syria’s right to self-determi­ nation than it is with Russia advancing its own interests, including privately seeking U.S. assurances to lessen the European Union and U.S.-imposed sanctions on Rus­ sia imposed after the EU-U.S.-backed fascist-led coup in Ukraine and perhaps to diminish U.S. and NATO’s ongoing moves to place troops and nuclear weapons on Russia’s borders. While these are certainly vital and le­ gitimate concerns of the beleaguered Russian state, my point here is also to be absolutely clear that while for capitalist Russia Syria’s right to self-determination is ne­ gotiable, for antiwar fighters in the U.S. and the world over it is not. Our starting point must be to reject any “right” of imperialism to impose any “negotiated settle­ ment” on any oppressed nation.

Self-determination for Syria! U.S. Out Now! Abolish the U.S. war machine! n SOCIALIST ACTION JULY 2016 9