News and views from SA Canada NDP’s slide to the right sparks socialist opposition
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ty Constitution, the word remains, as does the working-class nature of the party. Indeed, socialism is still both a very lively topic and an active movement within the NDP. The party leadership certainly pushed hard to limit debate and to re-shape the party in its own image. But socialists had a higher profile at the NDP convention in Montreal, April 12-14, than in recent years.
To be sure, the convention was a kind of love-in for NDP chief and Leader of the Official Opposition in Parlia ment, Tom Mulcair. The appetite for the perks of govern ment office fueled a wave of opportunism and attracted an array of party boosters and young career-seekers.
It was the biggest-ever NDP federal convention. Over 2000 delegates registered. Typically, about 1200 were on the convention floor to vote on motions. Despite me dia hype about the inevitability of the NDP choosing to “moderate” its message, and the high cost of a delegate’s credential (up to $400), it was surprising to see the ex tent of the support for the radical left.
Twenty-eight per cent of the delegates present for the election of NDP Treasurer voted for Socialist Cau cus (SC) candidate John Orrett. Sixteen per cent voted to retain the constitution preamble, with its call for so cial ownership of the economy, with its insistence that “production and distribution of goods and services be directed to meeting social and individual needs” and “not to the making of profit.”
The Socialist Caucus received massive mainstream media coverage for its initiatives and policies. SC spokespersons were frequently interviewed by CBC, Global, CTV, CPAC, Sun Media, Huffington Post, La Presse, Toronto Star, National Post, Globe and Mail, Rabble.ca and others.
SC floor interventions, firstly to amend the convention agenda in favour of providing more time for policy de bate, and later, to alter a resolution on “pipeline safety” to include opposition to any new pipeline construction, failed to get much traction. But another SC referral mo tion produced a high point for the left.
Etobicoke Centre youth delegate and Youth for So cialist Action chairperson Tyler MacKinnon argued for a party campaign to abolish all post-secondary tuition fees. He called for solidarity with movements demand ing an end to fees and a halt to the police repression they faced in the streets of Quebec in 2012. Tyler’s motion carried, but only after a delegate demanded a “standing count,” which showed over 60 per cent in favour. While the referred (amended) resolution did not come back to the floor for approval, the vote registered a stinging re buke of the party establishment.
Delegates and observers showed a keen interest in so cialist ideas. They snapped up over 1100 copies of the glossy, full-colour SC magazine Turn Left, and donated over $200 to support it. They spent another $200 on in dividual copies of Socialist Action newspaper, as well as associated radical buttons and booklets.
A bright orange banner proved to be a lightening rod for protest against the pro-capitalist party tops. The Socialist Caucus displayed a wide cloth antiwar slogan on the concourse Saturday morning, and again at lunch time. It galvanized opposition to the appearance of in vited guest speaker Jeremy Bird, National Field Direc tor for the U.S. Democratic Party, who headed President Barack Obama’s re-election bid in 2012.
The banner proclaimed, in English and French, “Stop Obama’s Drone Wars.” Scores of supporters, notably South Asian and visible minority delegates, defended it in the face of persistent efforts by officials to remove it. SC comrades and other delegates held their ground against threats of all kinds, including that security per sonnel and police would be asked to intervene. The three-hour standoff backfired on the party brass, who were seen as petty control freaks by the bemused na tional media.
It wasn’t the only example of undemocratic measures deployed by party controllers. They allowed no display booths on site, except for the social democratic Broad bent Institute, and a group of party authors promoting a book. Participants witnessed the stacking of the Persons With Disabilities Caucus, one of many equity-seeking group meetings, with non-disabled voters who arrived just moments prior to its election of reps to the federal party executive and council. Was this just to defeat an SC candidate?
A top party bureaucrat temporarily “lifted” this writ er’s delegate credential for being one of dozens booing Jeremy Bird when the latter was introduced on stage. National Director Nathan Rotman reversed himself when MP Niki Ashton, who had addressed the SC forum on Friday evening, protested his punitive move, and af ter the mass media got hold of the issue. Rotman did not apologize for exceeding his authority, so more nonsense in this vein can be expected.
Most of the resolutions adopted at convention were strictly non-controversial. Indeed, many passed unani mously. These included: putting a halt to tax havens, pro moting farm commodity supply management, reversing cuts to employment insurance, enshrining a pro-active Julius Arscott / Socialist Action pay equity regime in law, and providing more predictable funding for VIA Rail.
SC resolutions (on pipelines, corporate trade deals, Iran, Palestine, public owner ship of banks and industry, Quebec self-determination, etc.), some submitted by multiple district associations, were ranked so low they would not be debated. Even the issue re-prioritization panels on the Friday morning were stacked deep by proestablishment delegates.
Tellingly, a resolution on the rights of sex workers, submitted by a Vancouver district body, made it to the floor, but was referred to federal council for more study by MP Libby Davies, ostensibly to avoid “a divisive debate,” a move that disgusted many pro gressive activists.
The Socialist Caucus held three public forums at the Convention Centre during meal breaks. The topics were “Quebec and the NDP, and Why Quebec Students are in the streets again,” “The Fight to keep Socialism in the NDP Consti tution,” and “Canadian Military intervention in Asia, Af rica and the Caribbean—Where does the NDP stand?” The meetings attracted 30 to 70 delegates. Thirty-six people signed up to join the socialists at the convention. A similar number applied to join the leftist caucus via the internet.
With a general election expected in 2015, delegates gave Mulcair a 92 per cent approval vote. The 8 per cent who nonetheless voted for a leadership review can be considered the hardcore base of the SC, with support for the organized left reaching 20 to 30 per cent for certain initiatives and candidates. This is not inconsiderable, if projected across an NDP membership of 120,000 coun trywide.
Overall, the NDP continues on its liberal policy course. Justin Trudeau, who was crowned Liberal Party Leader in Ottawa that same weekend, mocked the direction of the NDP towards his own Bay Street-backed party when he referred to it as a case of “if you can’t beat ’em, join ’em.”
To be sure, the new pro-market preamble is a setback to labour and the left. But the NDP, which was never socialist, has not changed its stripes. It remains a la bour-based reformist party to which millions of work ers look—still the only game in town for independent working-class electoral/political action. And within that game, socialism is very much a player, looking for rein forcements from the social protest movements and from the leftist political sidelines. n