Millions in Egypt protest new anti-democratic constitution
2013Andrew Pollack 2013-01Read it in the scan (PDF at ETOL), page 12 →
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Despite mumbled objections by Washington to some of Morsi’s measures, he is still their man.
Following mass protests in November against Presi dent Mohammed Morsi’s decree granting himself new dictatorial powers, millions returned to the streets to protest his announcement of a snap referendum to be held in mid-December for a draft constitution hast ily written by an assembly dominated by the Muslim Brotherhood after most secular and liberal forces had walked out. The regime met the renewed protests with violence, as Brotherhood-organized gangs mur dered 10 protesters on Dec. 5.
The referendum eventually yielded a majority of 64% for the proposed constitution—but with a voter turnout of only 33%. And in the meantime, mass ral lies against Morsi forced him to withdraw within less than 24 hours plans he had announced for raising tax es on a range of goods that are staples of working-class consumption. The plans were designed to appease the International Monetary Fund, which has been insist ing on sterner austerity measures before turning over $4.5 billion in promised loans.
Liberal opponents of the government and remnants of the Mubarak regime had united in a National Salva tion Front to oppose the constitution, and called for a boycott of the referendum. More radical groups called for a “no” vote.
Opposition to the constitution included objections to the retention of privileges by the military, which, as under Mubarak, maintains a role in prosecuting ci vilians, has a voice in setting foreign and war-making policy, and retains its vast economic empire—an em pire shrouded in secrecy. Other objections concerned limits on the rights of women, giving religious figures final say over legal rulings, and other antidemocratic clauses.
Despite a few mumbled objections by Washington and the mainstream media to some of Morsi’s mea sures and parts of his proposed constitution, he’s still their man. The New York Times, for instance, has run a series of articles in favor of political “stability” in or der to ensure that economic “reforms” can be carried out in the face of continued mass worker and peasant discontent. In standard Times fashion, all such reforms are portrayed as inevitable—indeed, the only rational choice—and their opponents mocked as ignorant or unrealistic.
For instance, in an article profiling prominent liberal oppositionist Hamded Sabahi, the paper said: “A criti 12 SOCIALIST ACTION JANUARY 2013 cal loan of more than $4 billion from the IMF … has been delayed until the political situation settles. The Egyptian pound is slipping against the dollar. And the most obvious step to improve the growth and fairness of the economy requires a government with credibil ity and political skill. Attempts at overhauling Egypt’s vast subsidies to energy prices have in the past set off riots.”
Sabahi, said The Times, after opposing the constitu tion, “is preparing for his next battle: against Islamist leaders’ plans for Western-style free-market reforms.”
“Mr. Sabahi insists the I.M.F. loan would be unneces sary if the country followed his radical prescriptions to turn away from Western economic orthodoxy. In addition to steeper annual taxes on the rich, Mr. Saba hi is calling for Egypt to meet its deficit with a one-time 20% tax on the wealth of anyone with more than about $17 million, which he says is about 1% of Egyp tians… “He is calling for a ban on all exports of raw mate rials, including the important commodities of natural gas and cotton, so they can be used for domestic pro duction. He proposes to increase fees on businesses that use natural resources as well as on real estate and stock market transactions. And at the same time he wants to expand Egypt’s already bloated public sector to create more jobs for the poor” [the “already bloated” phrase, of course, being a classic example of bourgeois journalism’s “objectivity”].
Such measures are unrealistic and dangerous, claims The Times, and Egypt’s poor need more faith in their leaders: “Economic overhaul now poses a critical test of Egypt’s fragile democracy. Without enough trust in government, the changes to the systems of taxes or subsidies needed to reduce the deficit could easily stir new unrest in the streets, just as such moves have in the past.”
The New York Times joined other mainstream me dia in discovering in late December that the country’s economy was on the verge of imploding due to shrink ing foreign exchange reserves and fears of a devalued currency. The UN’s IRIN news agency, in a story on growing poverty in Egypt, noted the rapidly growing difficulty of finding food on a daily basis, and the dou bling of prices for many dietary staples. IRIN quotes a Cairo University economics professor linking the foreign currency reserves problem to malnutrition: “‘Our country imports most of its food. The problem is that our foreign currency reserves—necessary for (Left) Dec. 17 protest in Cairo against President Morsi’s policies, sponsored by liberal Wafd party. buying this food from other countries—are hitting rock bottom.’ Economists like Abdo say these reserves will allow the government to buy food for the people for three months only. Last week the government con firmed it would be importing 180,000 tons of wheat from the USA—being one of the world’s biggest wheat importers is a big strain on reserves.”
What this and other articles on the same theme don’t mention is that Egypt imports food because of decades of imperialist-dictated restructuring of the economy, especially on behalf of Western agribusiness. This has proceeded in tandem with Western banks’ driving Egypt further and further into debt by forcing loans on the country to finance the imports that are required, thanks to this restructuring.
Meanwhile, Egypt’s workers moved into action on their own against the proposed constitution and re lated antilabor policies. In her Guardian article “Egyp tians are being held back by neoliberalism, not reli gion,” Rachel Shabi noted that “the proposed constitu tion reveals more of the Brotherhood’s conservative economics. It has a clause that pegs wages to produc tivity. It stipulates that only ‘peaceful’ strikes (what ever that means) are allowed.
“Small wonder, then, that the factory-dense city of Mahalla declared itself an independent state, in pro test at Morsi’s anti-union laws. Since he came to pow er there has been a wave of strikes; not just factory stoppages but also health worker strikes and consum er protests at eroding public services.”
The UK’s Middle East and North Africa Solidarity Network reported that the Egyptian Federation of In dependent Trade Unions was supporting protests against the constitution: “In the video produced by activist film-makers collective Mosireen, Fatma Ra madan from EFITU’s Strike Committee unpicks the propaganda. ‘This constitution is biased in favor of the rich against the poor’ she says, ‘it is in favor of the powerful against the powerless and the rulers against the ruled.’”
The Revolutionary Socialists in Port Said took their campaign for a “no” vote to dozens of factories em ploying tens of thousands. They pointed to parts of the constitution linking pay rates to production, not to prices; provisions allowing the courts to dissolve unions; and limits on the right to strike.
Meanwhile, in Tunisia, a parallel process is taking place of deepening worker insurgency against a postdictator, pro-neoliberal regime. The Islamist ruling party Ennahda has failed to address unemployment or any of the other grievances that sparked the revolu tion two years ago. As in Egypt, the ruling party has responded to dissatisfaction with a pro-IMF austerity program by repression, including armed attacks on of fices of the UGTT (Tunisian General Labor Union).
Protests were so fierce that the government was forced to make some minor concessions, but its re newed attacks on the UGTT led to a call for a general strike for Dec. 13. In the end the strike was called off, once again after minor concessions were promised, but also because of uncertainty among union mem bers about the chance of a strike’s success. Neverthe less, the continued willingness of workers to leave the job, and the tightening alliance with groups represent ing women, youth, students, and the unemployed, has sparked discussions in the labor movement about mass actions in mid-January should the government not keep its promises.
Hopefully, such actions will be part of an organized effort at regional labor unity. Further evidence of the potential for such unity can be seen in recent events in Palestine. In September there were rallies against the Paris Protocol, the pro-neoliberal economic com ponents of the Oslo Accords. Then in mid-December, public workers struck for two days over withholding of salaries by the Palestinian Authority.
This proletarian anger comes amidst continued evic tions, land theft, beatings, and murders of Palestinians by Israel—including in Gaza, where a “ceasefire” alleg edly holds. n