REVOLUTIONARY CUBA The meaning of the new economic reforms
2013Jeff Mackler 2013-01Read it in the scan (PDF at ETOL), page 6 →
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Following is an edited version of the resolution on Cuba’s new economic reforms, adopted by the 2012 National Convention of Socialist Action (U.S.). The original draft was prepared by the author.
T ban Federation of Labor that the jobs of some The Dec. 1, 2010, announcement by the Cu 500,000 workers would be terminated in the first quarter of 2011, and an additional 500,000 in the following two years, created quite a stir on the social ist left and in bourgeois circles, with some arguing that the decision represented a major step toward a market economy and perhaps the beginning of a pro cess of capitalist restoration akin to the “Chinese mod el.” The initially proposed terminations represented 19.4 percent of Cuba’s workforce, 90 percent of whom were employed by the state.
The reforms indicate that the Cubans recognize the harsh reality of the economic distortions that have been wrought from their forced isolation from the world market due to the U.S.-imposed illegal embar go/blockade and related imperialist incursions. In a significant sense they are legalizing a reality—that hundreds of thousands of Cuban workers are already “employed” in tiny “business” ventures, trying to make ends meet, while they simultaneously receive subsistence wages from the state for their official job.
Some 178 areas where terminated workers can now operate as formally licensed small-scale busi ness owners have been established. Prior to this the state regulated or prohibited all such employment. Regulation or not, legal or not, however, many of these small-scale businesses operated with impunity, some times via bribes to officials. The reforms largely aim at maintaining the impressive range of free or almost free social services that are absent in almost all other nations. They aim at reducing bureaucracy, corrup tion, and waste, however limited the means available.
The vision of the Cuban Communist Party, the real or effective government of Cuba, is far from turning workers into the streets to fend for themselves, as is the case in other countries subject to the present world capitalist recession/depression, in which un employment and social cutbacks have reached the highest levels in decades. The capitalist restoration ists in China much prefer turning the poorest sectors of society over to major multi-national corporations, half of which are U.S.-owned, or to Chinese capitalist corporations, where workers also labor for pennies and are denied virtually all social benefits. Initial balance sheet after two years According to figures released by the Cuban govern ment on Dec. 27, 2012, the number of workers in pri vate concerns rose 23 percent for the year, while em ployment in the state sector dropped 5.7 percent. The government cut 228,000 public jobs in 2012, on top of 137,000 cuts in 2011.
Cuba, a country rich in agricultural resources, has im ported up to 70 percent of its food needs. The reforms are aimed at achieving self-sufficiency under the most difficult of circumstances. Under the new laws anyone can solicit the government for 10 hectares of idle land, which can be held and farmed for personal profit for 10 years, with the opportunity for renewal. (One hect are is 2.47 acres.) The land remains the property of the state, and profits will be taxed, but contrary to the past, the new farmers can sell their produce directly to the hotel industries and private restaurants, almost all of which are operated out of the homes of Cuban families.
Over 1.2 million hectares had been distributed to more than 132,000 beneficiaries as of mid-2011, an average of nine hectares per person. Nevertheless, gains in production have been limited. Agricultural produce for the domestic market remained largely the same in 2010 and 2011, an indication of the still grave situation in Cuban agriculture. Bureaucratic abuse has been and remains widespread, including government and military personnel using state-owned trucks to steal or otherwise sequester food products from state or cooperative farms for sale on the black market.
We should emphasize that the openly discussed bu reaucratic mismanagement and corruption that per meate Cuban society under conditions of perpetual shortages is qualitatively subordinate to, if not largely caused by, the blows struck against Cuba—the illegal imperialist embargo/blockade of the Cuban nation, and the restoration of capitalism in the USSR and the associated severe constriction of its markets and loss of hard currency and credits. To these we must add the imperialist-orchestrated fall in the price of sugar by 50 percent and the fossil-fuel-induced global warm ing that has raised the temperature of the Caribbean (and other oceans) and likely increased the number and frequencies of devastating hurricanes that cost billions of dollars in property damage and massive ag ricultural and livestock losses. Ismael Francisco / AP (Left) Cuba’s National Assembly votes to send solidarity greetings to ailing Venezuelan President Chavez, Dec. 13.
Yet the reforms have produced no layers of capitalists that have any influence over the heights of the Cuban economy. A July 11, 2012, Reuters report affirmed that the largest private-sector operation in Havana since the new reforms, with about 130 em ployees, was “El Cabildo, a recently opened entertainment center that is pushing the limits of the communist country’s still un folding economic reforms.”
Cuba’s new economic guidelines limit the size of restaurants to 50 customer seats. El Cabildo (temporarily) got around this limi tation by applying for three licenses and combining the space approved by the gov ernment. Within a month, the Cuban gov ernment, for reasons that are not entirely clear, closed down the El Cabildo operation. But if this experiment in “private enter prise” was, according to Reuters, the largest in Havana, it is not difficult to conclude that capitalism hasn’t made much progress to date—to say the least!
The new regulations allow Cubans to buy and sell homes, with the restriction that no Cuban can own more than two, the first a regular residence, the second a “summer home.” Before this, while Cubans did not formally “own” their homes, these were in all other respects their own. After the first 10 years, following the 1959 revolution when rent was limited to no more than 5-10 percent of one’s income, Cubans lived in their homes rent free. Many or most still do. Today they can sell their homes for a profit, but hardly the kind that constitutes the founda tion of a new class of entrepreneurs.
While the new plan decreed that 500,000 state jobs in one year—that is, by the end of 2011—would be eliminated, with the 500,000 given small plots of land or granted licenses to run small private businesses or cooperatives, the Cuban labor federation later an nounced that this date had been substantially revised. “The goal is to reach a 500,000 mark by April 2015,” according to the federation. We should also note that since October 2010 there has been an increase of 230,000 jobs in the new sectors of the economy.
A July 16, 2012, New York Times article entitled, “Cuba Hits Wall in 2-Year Push to Expand the Pri vate Sector” essentially confirms this data. Its open ing sentence reads, “Nearly two years into the Cuban government’s economic overhaul aimed at slashing public payrolls and bolstering private enterprise, the reforms have slowed so much that many Cuban entre preneurs and intellectuals are questioning the aging leadership’s ability—or will—to reshape one of the world’s last Communist systems and shift nearly half of the island’s output to private hands.” Of course, The Times much prefers capitalist austerity and social dis location. Its Havana reporters neglected to name the Cuban “intellectuals and entrepreneurs” who bemoan Cuba’s failure to take the capitalist road at the expense of the Cuban people.
It appears that no one has been thrown into the streets in Cuba, not to mention the fact that laid-off workers are entitled to remain on government pay rolls for several months, or longer, until they find em ployment. And further, we have seen no evidence that these barbers or street vendors or small restaurant owners, usually operating out of their own homes and family run, are combining with the small farmers to form a new capitalist class in Cuba!
Consultation with the people In sharp contrast to the brutal and now completed capitalist restoration process in the USSR and China, orchestrated by the Stalinist bureaucracies that be came the new capitalist class, and with billions, if not trillions of dollars in investments and technology from the world’s great ruling-class families and their cor porations in the U.S. and Europe, Cuba’s modest and practical economic reforms aim at formally recogniz ing the reality that the Cuban people cannot construct the ideal or perfect socialist society in an isolated and beleaguered island nation.
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Ismael Francisco / AP (continued from page 6)
The Cuban leadership’s constant efforts to engage the people in collective work to resolve the most dif ficult of problems, in this case, its ongoing economic crisis heightened by the overall crisis of the world cap italist system, cannot be considered empty rhetoric.
A Sept. 20, 2009, article by Roger Burbach, a Cuba specialist and director of the Berkeley, Calif.-based Center for Studies of the Americas, described the pro cess by which the new reforms were promulgated in an essay, “Cuba Undertakes Reforms in Midst of Eco nomic Crisis.” Burbach wrote, “Perhaps the most im portant early initiative of Raúl Castro was the call for a consulta (consultation) with and among the Cuban people. Barrio committees, factory workers, local par ty organizations, and others were encouraged to meet and register their thoughts and complaints. By August 2009, 5.1 million people out of a total Cuban popula tion of 11.2 million had participated in the consulta tion. There were 3.3 million registered comments of which almost half were critical.”
Burbach continued, “The most recurring criticism was of limited food production and the daily problems people faced in securing three meals a day for their families. Comments on corruption in government en terprises were also prevalent.”
No doubt, “consultation” is not decision-making. But no government on earth engages its people in such a dialogue and consultation. Across the globe austerity measures are implemented with impunity. The views of the working masses are never considered—only the profits of ever failing corporations. In contrast, in Cuba the measures that are being implemented are aimed at improving the standard of living and the quality of life of all Cubans, at eliminating waste and corruption, at increasing efficiency while maintaining at great expense, almost every gain of the revolution.
Cuba spends 47 percent of its budget on health care and education. Few, if any nations can match this fig ure, although the extreme economic crisis has forced expenditure cutbacks in these areas amounting to 7.7 percent in 2011.
Similarly, according to the government newspaper Granma, an estimated 240,700 workplace cafeterias, that served lunch for free, have been closed down, with workers instead receiving 12 pesos daily to cover food costs. Granma reported that portions of the gov ernment-subsidized food previously provided to these cafeterias found their way to the black market—again, the inevitable and bitter truth in a beleaguered society plagued with constant shortages.
It is critical to add that the absence of institutional ized forms of workers’ rule in Cuba—soviet or work ers’ council-type bodies with the power to decide and implement critical decisions—cannot be underesti mated and weighs heavily on Cuba’s ability to deflect the blows directed against it by imperialism.
Socialism means workers’ rule—majority rule. In contrast to all previous class societies, in which a mi nority class of slave owners, kings and aristocrats, or capitalists have exercised real economic and politi cal power, the socialist societies that revolutionaries struggle to bring into being are based on the institu tionalized rule of the vast working-class majority.
Whatever measures have been taken against the well-recognized bureaucratic corruption are qualita tively less effective than workers themselves organiz ing and regulating society in their own interests.
While the CTC (Cuban Federation of Labor) original ly announced the job terminations, the decision was undoubtedly made by the Cuban Communist Party and later approved by the National Assembly of Peo ples Power, the formal but not actual governing body of Cuba. However much the Cuban Communist Party seeks out and encourages the input, consultation, and involvement of the trade unions, neighborhood orga nizations, and other substantial mass organizations, all critical decisions in Cuba are made by the Cuban CP.
Consultation and input are fundamentally distinct from the exercise of power by the working class itself. Workers’ democracy, as we define it and as the Bolshe viks under Lenin and Trotsky lived it, was the corner stone of the revolutionary state set up in 1917, where the workers’ councils ruled, and not the Bolshevik Party, although the latter was the leading force in the original multi-party workers’ government.
Socialist Action remains staunch supporters of the Cuban Revolution. We consider the present leadership to be “revolutionaries of action,” a special term that has both positive and negative connotations—positive in the sense that the Castro team organized a social revolution that overthrew capitalism and established a workers’ state that still remains a heroic example to oppressed people around the world.
The term has a negative connotation in that we have not considered the Cuban leadership to be proletarian NY Times (Above) A self-employed street vendor sells clothes pins in Havana, Oct. 30.
(Left) National Assembly President Ricardo Alarcón (l.) meets with Raul Castro, Dec. 13.
revolutionaries, that is, based on a consistent program for world socialist revolution and proletarian democ racy at home.
At the same time, we reject any designation of Cuba as Stalinist—that is, a state in which the bureaucracy has become a crystallized parasitic and counterrevo lutionary caste, whose interests are counterposed to those of the masses—which can only be maintained by resorting to mass repression and terror. While Cuba admittedly suffers from bureaucratic abuse, it is far from having reached the point where its important de ficiencies cannot be remedied without recourse to the removal of the present leadership by the revolutionary action of the masses—that is, a political revolution.
Isolated and tiny Cuba has accomplished a small mir acle in warding off the imperialist pressures that led the Stalinist regimes in the rest of the world to under mine and then obliterate the gains of the great Russian Revolution of 1917, and act as the key agents in the restoration of capitalism. Indeed, the “small miracle” becomes an unprecedented and heroic achievement when we factor in the 50-year embargo/blockade, the U.S.-backed invasion, innumerable acts of sabotage, bombings, the U.S. use of chemical and biological war fare, and material and financial aid to counterrevolu tionary forces within Cuba.
When we add to this the effects of the sudden cessa tion of trade and aid from the former USSR and asso ciated Eastern European states—some 75 percent of Cuba’s trade—the mere existence of the Cuban work ers’ state represents a magnificent example in human dedication and achievement. We would be remiss in not including in these wonders the facts that Cuba leads the world in supplying doctors and teachers to poor nations, and that Cuba’s level of free public edu cation, “from the cradle to the grave,” exceeds that of almost all nations on earth.
Cuba’s renewed efforts at economic reform are aimed at preserving a beleaguered and proud revolution that has advanced the interests of the Cuban people and won the respect and admiration of revolutionary fight ers around the world. n
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6 SOCIALIST ACTION JANUARY 2013 The vision of the Communist Party of Cuba is not to turn workers into the streets to fend for themselves, as is done in capitalist countries that are facing the recession.
Isolated Cuba has accomplished a small miracle in warding off the imperialist pressures that led the Stalinist regimes toward the restoration of capitalism.