Socialist Action (US)

The monthly paper of Socialist Action, San Francisco, 1983–2018

Ontario Conservatives plan to starve unions

Socialist Action, Vol. 30, No. 8, August 2012 · scan pp. 8–9 · Ric Ekapuk · about 1,470 words

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Scan page 8

8 SOCIALIST ACTION AUGUST 2012 Shortly after the governing Liberal Party passed its austerity budget in early June, the right-wing opposition Progres­ sive Conservatives sought to squeeze more out of Ontario workers through a full-frontal assault on labour unions.

In a “white paper” outlining their la­ bour policy, the Conservatives propose to eliminate the requirement that employ­ ers deduct union dues from employees’ wages if requested by the union. Known as the “Rand Formula,” after Supreme Court Judge Ivan Rand who instituted it, this requirement has been a mainstay of Canadian labour law since 1946.

Some U.S. states have an equivalent rule, although it has recently come under sustained attack (in a grossly misnamed initiative known as “right to work”), es­ pecially in Indiana, where it was repealed in the spring. The trend is picking up in Canada too, with the Ontario Conserva­ tives being the third provincial party to propose repealing the Rand Formula.

The Conservatives argue that repealing it will benefit workers by giving them the “choice” to contribute to unions or not. However, the concept of choice cannot apply to the Rand Formula, since it was brought about to fix a “free rider” prob­ lem. Deductions for union contributions are like taxes: just as residents are forced to pay for things like schools, roads, and law enforcement, workers must pay for the higher wages and other benefits that they enjoy from their union-negotiated collective agreements.

As York University labour relations Pro­ fessor David Doorey rhetorically asks on his blog: “What if taxes were voluntary? How many people would pay them?... Soon no one would be paying taxes, and the government would go broke.” This is undoubtedly what the Conservatives wish for unions.

Another benefit of repealing the Rand Formula, according to the Conservatives, is that it will attract more employers to Ontario. But are Ontario’s labour laws really keeping them away? As Professor Doorey notes, the Rand Formula has not deterred notoriously anti-union compa­ nies such as WalMart and Target from rapidly expanding in the province; only about 15 per cent of private sector work­ ers are unionized.

So why are the Conservatives going after the Rand Formula now? Ontario Federation of Labour President Sid Ryan says that it is a payback from PC party leader Tim Hudak for the role that unionpaid ads played in his defeat at the Octo­ ber 2011 provincial election. Although this is easy to believe, the broader con­ text should not be ignored. The Conser­ vative proposal is the latest in a steady stream of anti-worker initiatives sweep­ ing across our continent and the world, as the bills for the current financial crisis keep getting passed to the working class.

Socialists demand a stop to union-bash­ ing and anti-worker austerity initiatives from the parties of capital. Supporting Ontario NDP proposed labour law re­ forms (to ease unionization) is positive, but not enough.

We need to deal with the economic crisis by strengthening the position of the working class here and around the world—which will require mass protest job actions. n

Scan page 9

QUEBEC: Mass struggle continues / Election pending MONTREAL—As many as 80,000 protesters hit the streets of Montreal on July 22, proof that the mass strug­ gle over the Liberal government`s unilateral decision to raise university tuition fees has far from dissipated. The central slogan this time was “Out with the Neo-Liberal Parties,” reflecting the growing radicalization produced by the struggle and the influence of the CLASSE (Coali­ tion large de l’association pour une solidarité syndical étudiante/ Broad Coalition of the Association for Union Student Solidarity), the largest and most militant of the student unions participating in the strike.

It is true that the numbers this time were down com­ pared to the mass demonstrations of March 22, April 22, and May 22, each of which attracted 200,000 or more. But this is mid-summer during the annual construc­ tion holiday, and many students have dispersed to their homes outside of Montreal or are working.

The student strike has been effectively suspended since June when the government cancelled the spring academic session and brought in a special repressive law to limit demonstrations, ban pickets, force profes­ sors to teach, and levy heavy fines for defiant organiza­ tions and individuals. With this draconian legislation, the government hopes to break the strike and cripple the student associations when classes resume in August.

A major complication affecting the mass movement is the provincial election that Liberal Prime Minister Jean Charest set for Sept. 4. The Liberals hope to capitalize on a backlash against the striking students. On the anti-government side, there is considerable pressure to close ranks behind the Parti Quebecois (PQ) in order to oust the hated Liberals. For its part, Quebec Solidaire (QS), the small left party (with one seat in the National As­ sembly) that was forthright in its support for the stu­ dents’ strike, hopes to head off the logic of the strategic vote, since it competes for the same working-class and popular electorate as the PQ.

For the most significant opposition to this short-term electoralist perspective, we must turn to the CLASSE. At its congress in Quebec City on July 14, the CLASSE issued a manifesto entitled “Share Our Future” and adopted a strategy for the anticipated election. In ap­ pealing for a “social strike,” the manifesto attacks the “blind submission” to the market, and targets in par­ ticular the neo-liberal “user-pay” principle that the government is trying to enforce not only in the univer­ sities but across the range of publicly funded services. (For an English translation of the manifestio, see www. stopthehike.ca/2012/07/share-our-future-the-classemanifesto/#more-1230.)

The CLASSE will retain its independence from the po­ litical parties, but plans a parallel election campaign across Quebec to share its societal project with the pop­ ulation. Direct democracy, social justice, defense of the environment and gender equality will be counterposed to the existing neo-liberal political and economic order and the rule of the 1%. The CLASSE is currently commit­ ted to pursuing the strike against higher tuition fees but will be holding urgent general assemblies of its mem­ bers to discuss this vital question in the context of Bill 78 and the anticipated election campaign.

The militant stance of the CLASSE clearly anticipates a long-term struggle without neglecting the electoral are­ na. This is a positive aspect of its position even if there is silence or vagueness on other strategic questions such as how to mobilize the labour movement in the pres­ ence of a class-collaborationist labour leadership or the centrality of the national question for an anti-capitalist perspective in Quebec. The same shortcomings apply to a broad section of the Quebec left, including Quebec Solidaire.

The situation coming into this election is contradic­ tory: On one hand, there is a social struggle of unprec­ edented depth and militancy, even if so far it has been unable to break the back of ruling-class intransigence. On the other, there is an opportunity to toss out a hated government, which is making a bid for a third mandate in order to continue its austerity drive.

Polls indicate a close race between the Liberals and the Parti Quebecois, with the Coalition Avenir Quebec (CAC) somewhat further back, perhaps resulting in a minor­ ity Liberal or PQ government. This uncertain scenario reinforces the argument to consolidate the anti-Liberal vote behind the PQ. Andrew Harrer / Bloomberg Rogerio Barbosa / Agence France-Presse (Above) Thousands marched through the center of Montreal on July 22. The main slogan was, “Out with the Neo-Liberal Parties!”

The argument for a tactical vote for the Parti Quebe­ cois must be rejected. This party differentiates itself from the Liberals primarily on the national question, but in reality follows the dictates of international capital and is incapable of leading a struggle for national libera­ tion. Its record in office is that of a co-implementer of neo-liberal policies. The pressure for a “useful” PQ vote is analogous to arguments for lesser-evil pro-Democrat­ ic Party politics in the U.S.

The Coalition Avenir Quebec (CAC) represents a rightwing split from the PQ, favouring further retreat in the struggle for national independence, union-bashing poli­ cies, and acting as an incubator for all manner of reac­ tionary pro-market schemes that would accelerate the degradation of social life in Quebec.

Despite the weaknesses of its programme and leader­ ship, QS offers the only option in this election. Its origins lie in a break with the neo-liberal consensus embracing the other parties, and in practice it aligns itself with mass struggles. At the same time, we favour continued mobilization in the streets in order to apply maximum pressure during and after an election campaign. n Viewpoints in this article are those of Socialist Action / Ligue pour l’Action Socialiste in the Canadian state, and do not reflect those of Socialist Action newspaper.

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