U.S., Saudis seek tighter control over region
2012Andrew Pollack 2012-05Read it in the scan (PDF at ETOL), page 12 →
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On Wednesday, May 2, paid thugs hired by Egypt’s military rulers murdered at least 20 participants in a sit-in in front of the Ministry of Defense (MOD). While the initial core of the sit-in, begun the Friday before, consisted of supporters of a Salafi (conservative Islamist) presidential candidate, one of several disqualified by the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF), they were soon joined by revolutionary youth who have consistently called for an end to the military regime. Since the massacre there have been reports of detentions of activists; some were released soon after, while the fate of others are still unknown.
Egyptian daily Al Masry Al Youm reported that, the day after the murders, thousands marched to the main square in the neighborhood of Abbasseya, in which the MOD headquarters sits. This neighborhood has been the scene of previous battles in front of the MOD, and the military has repeatedly used hired hands to attack protesters (claiming the thugs were neighborhood residents angry at protesters disturbing their peace and quiet). Yet an Egypt Independent reporter noted that Abbasseya residents cheered marchers from their balconies.
In response to the massacre, revolutionary forces called for anti-SCAF marches on Friday, May 4—but this time in Abbasseya, not in Tahrir Square. On May 3 the military held a press conference demanding the sit-in end and warning youth not to hold their Friday protest in front of the MOD.
Magdi Abdelhadi wrote in the British Guardian that “a year ago, ‘down with military rule’ was the slogan of a fringe group, The Revolutionary Socialists. Today, it has become adopted by almost all activists, including the Islamists, the military’s erstwhile friends.” Among those most active in Abbasseya are socialists who are also a leading force in Egypt’s growing independent union movement.
Coincidentally, another sit-in launched in Cairo in April highlighted the plight of Egyptian workers—but of those employed in Saudi Arabia. On April 18, a sit-in in front of the Saudi embassy in Cairo was launched to demand the release of Ahmed al-Gizawy, an Egyptian lawyer imprisoned in Saudi Arabia for criticizing the latter country’s treatment of Egyptian workers. Gizawy had denounced the kafeel (sponsorship) system, which leaves migrant workers at the mercy of their sponsor, and was sentenced to a year in prison and 20 lashes on charges of insulting the Saudi King. In response to the sit-in the Saudis closed their embassy in Cairo.
Al-Masry Al-Youm pointed out that Gizawy “is only one of thousands of Egyptians languishing in Saudi prisons. … Gizawy’s arrest unleashed anger at the often-ignored record of human rights violations against Egyptian prisoners in Saudi Arabia.” Rather than call for Gizawy’s release, SCAF Chief Hussein Tantawi called his Saudi counterparts to apologize for the protests.
Al-Masry noted that “many Egyptian migrants are incarcerated in Saudi Arabia’s prisons and stripped of their human and legal rights, often for years. Families of the detainees have been organizing protests around this issue since 2008….
“One of the main reasons for the suffering of Egyptian migrant workers in Saudi Arabia is the restraining kafala system, which gives employers full control of workers’ residency permits. Workers cannot change jobs or exit the country without written consent from their initial employer or sponsor.”
Kafala allows employers to confiscate workers’ passports, withhold their wages, and accuse them of fabricated crimes leading to detention. Gezawi had filed a lawsuit against King Abdullah to complain about the arbitrary arrest, detention, and physical abuse of thousands of Egyptian guest workers under this system.
The flow of labor between the two countries is paralleled by extensive, and deepening, economic ties. Egypt Independent reported recently that the amount of trade between Egypt and Saudi Arabia increased 12 Socialist Action may 2012