Civil Wars: An inside look at the labor bureaucracy

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I n the early 1990s a new crop of labor leaders unions in the United States and the AFL-CIO hier­ archy. Many of these new leaders were products of civil wars of labor, important as that information is. The the 1960s radicalization, former student radicals real value lies in Steve Early’s explanation of competing Coming off the heels of some militant labor struggles, Early shows how Stern, and other labor leaders as such as the Pittston coal mine strike and the Decatur, well, have sought to transform unions into staff driven, Ill., war zone battles, many in the labor movement top-down, undemocratic institutions that in their ex­ hoped that a new era of labor militancy was on the ho­ treme versions are little more than issue-advocacy and rizon. While the AFL-CIO did reverse some formerly re­ lobbying organizations. In contrast, relying on his 27 actionary political positions, most notably changing the years of experience as an international representative union federation’s backward position on immigration, in the Communication Workers of America, Early ex­ plains the importance of having rank-and-file involve­ Steve Early’s latest book, “The Civil Wars in U.S. Labor:

Birth of a New Workers’ Movement or Death Throes Early provides examples of how shop-floor activity and of the Old?” discusses this period of organized labor member participation in a union’s operation are criti­ and the impact the new leaders have had on the labor cal to successfully constructing a union that can fight movement. Early focuses on the second largest union in for workers’ interests. He contrasts that with SEIU’s ef­ the United States, the Service Employees International forts under Stern: “The Stern/SEIU model (with some Union (SEIU) and its former president, Andy Stern. No honorable local union exceptions) abhors rank and file other union reflects the changes made by the new labor initiative, shop floor militancy, and democratic decisionleaders more than SEIU and its polarizing leader Stern. making by workers themselves. In the name of ‘building Under Stern’s stewardship, SEIU put a massive amount power for workers,’ it embraces labor-management co­ of resources into new member organizing, targeting operation (from a position of weakness), bureaucratic public sector, building services, and health-care work­ ers. But despite the resources invested, SEIU leaders be­ The most vivid account of this is Early’s description of came frustrated with a series of organizing losses. The the ultimately unsuccessful attempt of SEIU to replace rigged NLRB election process made success rates in new shop-floor representation with 1-800 call centers. Stern worker organizing low, as employers took advantage wanted to move union staffers from representing work­ of weak NLRB enforcement by intimidating workers ers on the shop floor to political organizing, largely through illegal terminations of union supporters and working to elect and lobby politicians. To replace them Stern developed national call centers to which workers Early describes how Stern concluded that the only way shows how this culminated in a major internal labor bat­ could phone in grievances. Millions of dollars later, SEIU to realize SEIU’s goals for achieving union density was tle within SEIU. When leaders of the California health- was forced to junk the call centers after complaints from through circumventing NLRB elections by convincing care local United Healthcare West (UHW) opposed con­ members and local officers that they were completely employers into card check agreements. These agree­ cessions negotiated with hospitals by the international, ments came at a price, as SEIU had to agree to limited the local was placed in trusteeship. The expelled leader­ “Civil Wars” provides a detailed account of the internal contracts that often barely increased wages and work­ ship went on to form a new union, the National Union of conflicts of the labor bureaucrats during the 2000s, and ing conditions. This led to conflicts with other unions Health Care Workers (NUHW), which challenged SEIU at shows why despite massive resources spent by major organizing workers in the same sectors, most notably unions, labor continues to lose members and fails to or­ the California Nurses Association, who often challenged ganize new ones. Steve Early also provides a different SEIU’s efforts to organize nurses under neutrality agree­ sues involved in all of these inter-union conflicts. The vision of how unions should be run—with rank-and-file corruption and despicable actions of SEIU leaders and participation and democracy. Trade-union activists, and Countless millions have been spent by SEIU and other their armies of staffers are exposed. The real value of the anyone else interested in building a workers’ move­ unions in fighting each other over the past decade. Early book, however, is not the detailed explanations of the ment, would be well served by reading this book. n 10 SOCIALIST ACTION NOVEMBER 2011 ascended to leadership of some of the largest who moved to staff positions in trade unions. no general rise of labor militancy ever emerged. other strong-arm tactics. ments that involved inferior contracts. the union’s major bargaining units in California.

Kevork Djansezian / Getty Images Early provides extensive detail of the players and is­ (Left) NUHW nurses stage a walkout at Kaiser Permanente in Los Angeles, Sept. 21, as part of a statewide strike. The NUHW was formed by expelled leaders of the SEIU in California.

visions of what labor union are supposed to be. ment in union activity. consolidation, and top-down control.” useless for solving members’ issues.