Labor Notes: 1200 meet to discuss ‘rank-and-file recovery’

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... Red Shirts regroup after massacre by Thai troops ick any measure you want—union density;

nant, even declining real wages and benefits—they all point to one inescapable conclusion: the labor movement in the U.S. has sunk to its weakest in living memory and the end of its decline is nowhere in sight. But, in the midst of this gloomy recognition, the April 23-25 Labor Notes Conference—a biennial event for the past three decades—set a new attendance record.

With a few honorable exceptions, most mainstream American unions do not offer any comparable venue for the their ranks to discuss strategy and tactics. Most top officials remain dedicated to the same old/same old of trying to work in “partnership” with the bosses.

While they are major campaign fund donors, the union heads have accepted their role as no more than glorified precinct captains, taking marching orders from their Democrat “friends.” Implementation of this debilitating policy of class collaboration dominates most union gatherings from national conventions down to shop meetings in lunchrooms.

More than ever, the conference organized by the monthly publication Labor Notes stands in sharp contrast to these official union assemblies. There are no motions from a bureaucratically selected resolutions committee to be voted upon, no unopposed officers to be elected.

The biggest culture shock for unionists attending their first LN conference is always its democratic character. All working-class points of view are welcome, even encouraged, in the dozens of workshops and interest group meetings that comprise the bulk of conference proceedings.

While there are no formal action plans to be debated and voted–and so often ignored—the three days of discussion is not idle chit-chat. It is mainly about what (continued from page 16: “Red Shirts regroup after massacre by Thai troops”)

when they would not accept his offer.

On May 19,, when troops moved in on the protesters, which included the elderly and children, the leaders of the Red Shirts turned themselves in— though small pockets of Red Shirts attempted to resist. Government troops killed at least 80 protesters and injured over 2000 throughout the entire protest.

As the troops assaulted the protesting civilians, some demonstrators engaged in destruction of business and government property in Bangkok, burning the Thai stock exchange and Thailand’s biggest shopping mall. For these acts the entire Red Shirt movement is being branded as terrorists, and criminal charges are being used to cover up the political crackdown on dissent.

Most analysts agree that the situation in Thailand seems to have no reconciliation in sight. In a slap to the face of the pro-democracy protesters, current Prime Minister Abhisit on May 29 said it would be difficult to hold elections this year, saying that he would instead be sure to hold them by the end of his term in 2012. Meanwhile, the economic disparity that is widely acknowledged to be the heart of the social crisis has people have done, or hope to do. Not all contributions are of equal importance but collectively they add up to a pretty faithful picture of the current state of the working class.

not been addressed whatsoever.

Sa-at, a rice farmer quoted by Time magazine said, “The government has forced us to put down our hoses and pick up guns instead. The land will go up in flames.”

With government repression tightening like a noose and no economic restructuring on the horizon, most analysts agree that the angry Red Shirts have only lost the battle but are here to stay. Fears have been raised by moderates in Thailand that in regions like Isaan (the home of communist guerrillas in the 1960s and ’70s) the rural poor could turn to guerrilla war since Who were these 1200 participants? The gathering had a strong international flavor, with over 20 countries represented. For the most part they were rank-and-filers or shop stewards. But there were also a substantial number of union staffers and full-time elected officers, even a few national union officials.

Health-care workers in National Nurses United, National Union of Healthcare Workers, and SEIU were prominent. So were members of Teamsters for a Democratic Union, the only significant rank-and-file national union caucus on the scene. There were fresh contingents from UNITE HERE. More teachers than ever, from both the NEA and AFT, were drawn to the conference.

The new leadership in Transport Workers Local 100, representing New York City transit workers was highly visible. And union stalwarts from the UE and Farm Labor Organizing Committee have never missed one of these conferences yet.

Since its founding in 1979, Labor Notes, and the schools and conferences they have offered, have centered on three major arenas of the class struggle: shop floor struggles in the workplace, strike solidarity, internal union democracy. Details of the conference agenda can be found online at www.labornotes.org/conference.

In addition, Labor Notes has effectively built many social campaigns launched from within the labor movement—including some going beyond their “core” perspective, such as the issue of immigration rights.

LN has been supportive of US Labor Against the War since that group was launched in 2003. LN’s long relationship with the California Nurses Association, now part of National Nurses United, facilitated taking a positive stand on Canadian-style single-payer health-care reform. n Parts of this article originally appeared on www.kclabor.org/a_unique_worker_gathering.htm.

absolutely nothing is being done to address their grievances.

It remains to be seen what the Red Shirts’ next move will be, or if the leaders of the movement can retain control of their angry rank-and-filers. But it is clear to everyone that the poor masses of Thailand have not spoken their last words. In their push for a more democratic and just society, they need international allies that will stand with them to the end.

Ultimately, to be successful in their struggle against the ruling elite and military, the Thai masses will need to look toward bringing to power a revolutionary socialist government, clearly representing the workers and peasants. n Socialist Action june 2010 11