Where ever we went (in Cairo), people would ask, ‘Are you here for Gaza?’

Scan page 12

traffic for hours. Meanwhile, Egyptian cops encircled 600 marchers in front of the UN building. Later that day, U.S. marchers went to the U.S. embassy to seek aid in their efforts to reach Gaza, but the embassy called Egyptian cops to have them dispersed. Responding to the obstruction and repression, a group including 85-year-old Holocaust survivor Hedy Epstein began a hunger strike.

Meanwhile, the GFM Steering Committee was negotiating with authorities. South African GFM organizer Sayed Dhansay wrote in the Electronic Intifada that organizers informed marchers that an agreement had been reached allowing 100 of them to go to Gaza. The Egyptian government had even demanded they declare their purpose to be humanitarian, not political. Delegations from South Africa, France, Canada, and Sweden—and a section of the U.S. delegation—rejected the agreement, “refus[ing] to legitimize the policy of occasionally allowing small aid convoys in.”

Hedy Epstein arrived and announced her rejection of a slot on the bus, saying, “1400 Palestinians were killed in the massacre last year, and all 1400 of us need to go.” Hearing these statements, some of the 100 got off the buses. In the end, 87 people did go to Rafah, but said they did so in their individual capacities to meet family members and bring aid.

The GFM Steering Committee then issued a press release announcing, “we flatly reject Egypt’s offer of a token gesture. We refuse to whitewash the siege.” They admitted their earlier decision had been a mistake, and pointed out that actions in Cairo were “reaching new audiences.”

This effect was documented by Chris Hutchinson, GFM delegate and Socialist Action member, who wrote on his blog: “Our actions have gotten considerable coverage, and people throughout the city are aware of what is happening.” Hutchinson wrote that marchers were having an impact on the people of Cairo, even among security forces. “I was shocked to see how many officers were showing solidarity. ... Some even cried. Even police clapped and chanted along with protesters: ‘hurriya li Gaza’ (Freedom for Gaza).

“Workers in a restaurant say all they can do is pray for the freedom of Palestinians due to heavy repression. … Everywhere we went people would ask, ‘Are you here for Gaza?’”

He also paid tribute to the militancy and organizing of the French marchers, saying that they “had the strongest abilities and ideas when it came to tactics and strategy. Each day the camp looked more and more like a structured community with new banners, media board, sharing of resources, and frequent marches and chants.

“It was impossible not to leave with a heavy heart and inspiration from the clarity of their actions and democratic decision-making process.” The latter was in the face of government actions that meant that for the GFM in general “organization is nearly impossible as the government has revoked permits for mass meetings.”

Last tango in Cairo On Dec. 31, which was to have been the day for marchers to arrive at the border, hundreds instead converged on central Cairo. Those able to escape police barricades around their hotels traveled to the gathering point in small groups. At a secret signal they swarmed together and began marching, stopping traffic for 45 minutes.

When riot police encircled them, Marchers sat on the ground. Police beat, kicked, and pulled them by the hair to get them out of the road. There were broken ribs, bloody noses, cuts and bruises, and destroyed cameras. After a verbal confrontation with police at a separate location, one French marcher, Marie Renee, died of a heart attack. After being pushed off the road, the protest continued for the rest of the day.

Commenting on their overall impact, Hutchinson wrote: “Our actions in Cairo can only provide cover for the workers and students to join these protests. As one student stated, ‘although the people want Gaza free, they are afraid of the government.’ For the few Egyptians and Palestinians who braved the heavy hand of the law to join us, it was a chance to express their anger toward both the government of Mubarak and the policies of the U.S.

“While we never made it to Gaza … we forged international alliances and created a space where the millions of people of Cairo could feel comfortable cheering and waving in solidarity with Palestinians.”

Meanwhile, at the Gaza border, Palestinians were gathering. Hamas allowed only 6000 to rally, citing security concerns—although clearly the real reason was Hamas’s own disinterest in independent mobilization by the Palestinian masses. At the same time, the Viva Palestina convoy was stranded in Jordan after the Egyptian government had refused permission for its trucks carrying medical supplies to make a four-hour trip over land and insisted it take a long detour by sea. How will the siege be broken?

As its concluding act, the GFM issued a “Cairo Declaration,” initiated by South African trade unionists on the March. The declaration denounces not only the siege of Gaza, but a broad spectrum of abuses and atrocities by Israel, as well as “the Zionist ideology which underpins Israel.” It calls for “a global, mass, democratic anti-apartheid movement to work in full consultation with Palestinian civil society to implement the call for Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions (BDS).” Among the steps proposed toward that end are:

• A speaking tour by Palestinian and South African unionists and other activists;

• Participation in Israeli Apartheid Week;

• A unified approach to the boycott involving consumers, workers and their unions in retail, warehousing, and transportation;

• Divestment of union and other pension funds from companies implicated in the occupation and/or Israeli military industries;

• Legal actions targeting external recruitment of sol-

----- pull-quotes -----

12 Socialist Action january 2010 — Christopher Hutchinson