The Bad News Bearers

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“The Messenger” shows scenes to moviegoers that the U.S. government would rather we not see—like flag-draped coffins—scenes that are enacted throughout the country, in tree-shaded suburbs with American flags hung from porch railings and fences, yellow ribbons tied around trees. Two soldiers in full dress and snappy berets approach a home, knock on the front door, and when it opens deliver heartbreaking news to the designated next-of-kin: “The Secretary of Defense wishes to inform you …” The rest of the sentence is drowned out by cries of disbelief and rage, which devolve into anguished sobs.

Ben Foster plays Will Montgomery, a recovered, wounded soldier with only a few months left of his third deployment to Iraq. He’s been assigned to partner with veteran messenger Tony Stone (Woody Harrelson), who was in Desert Storm, to bring bad news to good people.

The next-of-kin already suffer, losing their loved ones to Iraq and Afghanistan and worrying constantly about their well being. Israeli army veteran Oren Moverman directs his film with such skill that the viewer feels he or she is right behind the men on the doorstep, accompanying them into their hallways or front rooms. We witness their agony and heartbreak, and suffer with them. It feels voyeuristic. (Right) Ben Foster plays a U.S. soldier, wounded in Iraq, who now must carry bad news to other soldiers’ families in “The Messenger.”

Harrelson’s character lives up to his name—Stone; he’s been at this too long. He runs down a list of “don’ts” right off the bat for Montgomery: Don’t touch the person, no hugs, no hand-holding, no pat on the shoulder; stick to the script. No “Good morning or afternoon,” he says, “There’s nothing good about it.”

Moverman, together with co-writer AlessandroCamon, an Italian, create a balance in the film by getting into the messengers’ lives when they’re off duty. Montgomery is sensitive, we see it in his eyes and demeanor, yet he harbors rage. He loses control in private—plays loud music, shouts, and punches walls. Stone is a flat-out womanizer, such as he can’t remember names and doesn’t want to. He’s allegedly on the wagon, but after one rough reaction to their message, drinks with Will at a bar. Thankfully, no big deal is made of this. He just does what his does.

“The Messenger” takes no political stance, but presents an honest portrayal of one more reason to end all wars. n As it stands now the countries that had said they would not recognize the victor have stood by their word, including Latin American “powerhouses” Brazil and Argentina. Meanwhile, a small handful of conservative regimes (Colombia, Costa Rica, Peru, and Panama) have recognized the elections along with the U.S.

Amidst the electoral dispute, the Honduran congress convened on Dec. 2 and voted 111-14 not to reinstate Zelaya. Yet Zelaya had already stated he would not accept reinstatement only to serve out a little more than a month left of his term (something he felt would only legitimize the coup).

The resistance in Honduras now faces one of its most difficult tests yet. The U.S. government will be leaning hard on countries around the world to recognize the new government, portraying it as the only path forward out of this crisis. Meanwhile, the right wing in Honduras will be consolidating the gains they have made since the coup.

The resistance includes a chunk of Zelaya’s Liberal Party (which essentially split over support for the coup), union organizations, campesino organizations, leftists, and popular forces that were inspired to political action for the first time by the coup. The way forward will depend greatly on the strength and vision of the resistance.

It was the resistance that truly forced the Tegucigalpa-San Jose Agreement, as hollow as it was, by creating a political climate in which the United States had to at least pretend to be anti-coup. The resistance, through its many demonstrations and strikes, made it impossible for regional leaders and mainstream press to gloss over the coup—despite claims by the Honduran Supreme Court, Honduran Congress, and Honduran military that the coup was a perfectly legal event.

The resistance is still organized, and it can still count on support from huge sectors of the oppressed in Honduran society (the second poorest country in Central America). One of its most prominent demands has been the call for a Constituent Assembly, a body that could rewrite the Honduran constitution and hopefully break the right-wing stranglehold on Honduran society. That demand still holds popular support, but it is quite certain that the Honduran oligarchy will do everything they can to stop such an assembly from being held.

The forces aligned against the Honduran people are very powerful, but the masses have shown a higher level of political consciousness and activism then many thought possible in a country where the left has historically been severely repressed. Although it will not be easy, with a high level of organization and an unswerving will to fight, the masses can still achieve victory against the Honduran oligarchy and its allies. n