In Defense of Marxism

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An Educational Conference Where Does Labor Turn Now?

A discussion of Labor's political strategy 14 SOCIALIST ACTION OCTOBER 1992 Solidarity is concerned that the FIT's Bulletin might compete with Against the Current.

democratic centralist internal functioning. They view such a party as the height of sectarianism.

In voting to dissolve their organization to unite with Solidarity, FIT members also voted to join the present Fourth Internationalist Caucus. Despite criticisms of this caucus's inactivity, they agreed not to set up a separate caucus or tendency to represent their views.

A political convergence Joining Solidarity marks the culmination of a process of convergence between the two organizations. Like Solidarity, the FIT papered over fundamental programmatic differences in vaguely formulated documents. The FIT never drew a balance sheet on such Advocates of Cleveland and Detroit In Cleveland contact:

Harold Mitchell AFSCME Local 100 1603 E. 27th St.

Cleveland, Ohio (216) 781-0408

Defense

socialist party in the United States today. This confusion, coupled with the failure to correctly assess developments in the former Soviet Union, has led to friendly coverage of the Committees of Correspondence ("C of C," the organization that recently split from the Communist Party) in both the FIT's Bulletin in Defense of Marxism and Solidarity's Against the Current.

Solidarity and Fourth Internationalist Caucus leader Joanna Misnik calls the very basis for the existence of the Fourth International into question when she writes in the September-October1992 issue of Against the Current:

"The C of C, among others in the world socialist movement, will have to grapple with how—or whether—to define a revolutionary current. The objective basis for a world Communism resting on the post capitalist societies and defining revolution through the prism of 'actually existing socialism' has been abruptly removed. Also removed is the basis for a world current in left opposition to that kind of Communist movement."

The FIT's dissolution into Solidarity is not a fusion, with all former FIT members welcome in the new organization. Only those who supported the unity proposal were to be immediately accepted into Solidarity. Even these members would have their membership placed on hold if an objection was raised by their local Solidarity branch.

Members who had voted against dissolving the FIT, but agreed to go along with the majority decision, would have their membership applications reviewed by a commission, including Solidarity leaders and leaders of the former FIT.

A new BIDOM?

This conference also voted to maintain the Bulletin in Defense of Marxism (BIDOM), the former FIT's theoretical journal, as an "independent" magazine for U.S. Fourth International supporters. An editorial board was elected that included members of the former FIT who had joined Solidarity as well as some who had not. It also included two members of the Trotskyers. A few pointedly did not, questioning the lack of any organizational control and the largely ceremonial role to which both the editorial board members and supporters would be relegated.

Very few of the 39 percent minority who opposed dissolving the FIT will apply for membership in Solidarity. Those not joining Solidarity are neither forming a new organization nor joining any existing party. Many, regardless of whether they signed on as magazine supporters, have decided to maintain informal communication through a Fourth Internationalist Network while continuing to carry out their activities in the labor movement in their own cities.

Socialist Action's greetings to this conference stressed the importance of a clear program and the need for a party to implement it.

After commenting on the free and open discussion leading up to our convention decisions, our statement pointed out, "But, democratic as we are, we also have a clear program and a Leninist organization which functions in the best democratic centralist traditions of the old SWP to implement this program. We are working to construct the nucleus of the revolutionary party which can lead the working class in the overthrow of capitalism and the construction of a society based on human needs. This monumental task requires programmatic clarity and a Leninist party.

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