Mazzocchi's Labor Party Advocates: Where is it today?

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audience of 100. Smaller meetings took begins to throw up new leaders based on Meetings for Mazzocchi organized by to register some real victories, and reachlocal labor unions have resulted in mod- es out to the broader working class and est to good rank-and-file attendance, its natural allies-will also be comdepending on the caliber of those union- pelled to take the first important steps We note in this regard that there is a cal action on the electoral arena, as well vast difference between the expression of as in the streets and on the picket lines. rank-and-file sentiment for a labor party Second, it would be a mistake to and a willingness to take the first orga- underestimate the hatred and mistrust of nizational steps toward this goal. It is the ranks for the current bureaucracy. one thing to record an affirmative vote The idea that the present misleadership in an LA-sponsored opinion poll, or in of the unions could inspire the ranks is a conversation at the union hall. It is illusory. Any labor party moves on their quite another to take concrete steps part would be, at best, mainly a means Socialist Action rejects the criticisms cians for a tew crumbs. of Mazzocchi's "leftist" critics that the While Mazzocchi has been given minimal response to his efforts thus far access to platforms to advocate his ideas is a product of LA's lack of a program, by a significant layer of union officials, It has now been over a year since its failure to actually run candidates, to he appears to understand that such access Labor Party Advocates (LPA) began its initiate "big" conferences, or even to will be abruptly ended if he goes too far. agitational campaign for a labor party improve its technical functioning. Even The union bureaucrats have their own based on the unions. Its central leader if Mazzocchi were to act on these criti- reasons for the friendly reception they and public spokesperson, Tony Mazzoc- cisms, it is doubtful that his efforts give to Mazzocchi. They see his efforts chi, has spoken to union and citywide alone he is the only prominent union as a potential lever to press for concesmeetings across the country. With few official now promoting this goal— sions from the politicians. exceptions, his meetings have been or- would make any measurable difference. ganized by various left or socialist There are several more readily apparent called their bluff. They are well aware groups. They have universally failed to reasons why the response to LPA has that no sector of today's labor hierarchy attract any significant sectors of the rank been so modest. and file. First, and most important, LA is not whimper unconvincingly about a labor The meetings usually attract an assort- a product of a real fightback in the ranks party. ment of left and socialist groups, a few of labor. Real moves in the direction of Unlike the bureaucrats, however, Mazofficials who have given lip service to a break with capitalist politics and an zocchi's efforts appear to be sincere. He LA, and a few local activists involved advance toward a labor party will derive has spent a good portion of his life as a from the struggles of the ranks as they union militant, supporting many of the The small size of these meetings take the field of action in the economic just causes of the progressive and labor essentially reflects the very low level of arena. Such a course of action will lead movements: working-class combativity. In most them from the outset into conflict with Mazzocchi has opened a vital debate in cases, real efforts were made to publicize the capitalist state and all its representa- the trade union movement. Discussions labor movement. In New York City, a A tighting labor movement—a move- to educate the first layers of emerging claimed distribution of 30,000 leaflets, ment that breaks with the decades of fighters about the need for independent many to union members, resulted in an class-collaborationist union policies, political action.

SOCIALIST ACTION SEPTEMBER 1992 11 LPA's Tony Mazzocchi in union affairs.

Mazzocchi's meetings within the broad tives. place in most other cities.

ists responsible for these meetings. toward independent political action. engaging the ranks in struggle, begins toward independent working-class politifor putting pressure on capitalist politiThe politicians however, long ago is prepared to do anything other than on the need for a labor party will serve ganized, Blacks, Hispanics, Asians, and women-if they are to win against the combined might of the employers and the goverment.

But to win these natural allies to their side in the fight against the employers, the unions will have to formulate a social program that addresses the needs of all working people. The unions will have to unconditionally support and champion the special demands of oppressed minorities and women.

Ultimately, these confrontations with the employers-and the goverment-to be successful, must be based on the democratic control of the union by the ranks.

This will be especially true when they use the weapon of the strike to stop the employers at the point of production. Winning a strike will involve direct and immediate confrontations with the repressive institutions of the capitalist state, as well as with the combined economic power of the employing class.

Against these odds, the only possibility of success rests in the formation of a class-struggle leadership—a leadership capable of mobilizing the entire working class and all its natural allies and thereby lead the coming workers' upsurge to victory.

Furthermore, while union democracy is a prerequisite starting point today, it is just the beginning of the solution to labor's problems.

The class-struggle left wing formations we advocate will combine full union democracy with a strategic orientation toward a united and independent working class fightback in the economic and political arenas. The classical approach laid out by Trotsky in the Transitional Program will stand us and the coming generation of union fighters in good stead as the battles approach.

We remain confident that the coming mass fightback and heightened mass consciousness will provide the basis for a class struggle left wing in the unions. Such a development will reinvigorate the trade unions and other fighting institutions of the working class and, in the course of the struggle, change the world.