Kurdish struggle continues A militant who was an eyewitness to the March 1991 uprising

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describes the subsequent evolution of self-determination movement A Kurdish woman fighter during the uprising in March 1991. 16 SOCIALIST ACTION JUNE 1992 U.S. military established a "security zone" in northern Iraq supposedly for the protection of the Kurdish people, who faced a genocidal onslaught by the forces of Saddam Hussein. The need for some sort of political solution for the Kurdish people of Iraq is becoming more and more cute. While the status of the territory controlled by Kurdish rebels remains unclear, elections have been scheduled for May 17.

The conflict between Kurdish rebels in Turkey and the Turkish army has also sharpened. Thus, the Kurdish national question looms even larger in the politics of the region.

The following article, based on an interview with a Kurdish revolutionist, offers rare information about the development of the Kurdish rebellion against Saddam Hussein and the situation following the defeat it suffered at the hands of his forces. It also reviews the evolution in Iraqi Kurdistan after the Gulf War.

The article was originally published in the paper of the Swedish section of the Fourth International. We have translated it from the March 1992 issue of Inprekorr, the journal of German Fourth Internationalists.

"It was wonderful to go home," Saman said, as we talked about his trip to the liberated areas of Iraqi Kurdistan last summer [1991]. "Wonderful"—a sharp contrast to the misery and defeats of the Kurds that he had described before.

But perhaps this statement was not so strange. Alongside the understandable joy of this Iraqi Kurd and socialist over going back to his homeland, from which he fled 15 years before, there was also a feeling of happiness that at least something had changed in Kurdistan.

After the end of the war with Iran and the August 1988 peace treaty, the Iraqi government launched a big offensive against the Kurds. Now, for the first time since then, there was liberated Kurdish territory in Iraq At the time of the big offensive, the Iraqi armed forces destroyed 4,000 Kurdish villages and 20 middle-sized towns. In 60 attacks, poison gas was used. The armed Kurdish movement, together with many Kurdish civilians, was forced to flee into the mountains in Iran or Turkey.

In the summer of 1991, according to Saman, the Kurds controlled two-thirds of [Iraqi] Kurdistan. Following his return, the cities of Erbil and Sulaimaniya were recaptured by Kurds.

"Among those I talked to, there was a feeling that something can be done, that something can be built. Just think, a few months earlier all of Iraqi Kurdistan was liberated. At that time, the Kurds had unlimited possibilities. But then it is not only Kurdistan that has changed.

"The people in all parts of Iraq are bolder and armed forces are no longer masters of the situation. During the uprising, when the people occupied the police buildings, they destroyed all the files on the dissidents. It will certainly be a whole period before these dossiers can be restored.

"This regime is based on a system of repression. You only have to think what happened to Ceauscescu when his security forces collapsed."

Traveled freely

Saman himself experienced what the collapse of the repressive apparatus means. In the month that he spent in the liberated areas of Kurdistan, he was able to meet more than 200 relatives and friends personally.

Many of them had traveled from Baghdad to the north, and not a single soldier or policeman stopped them at the "border" into the liberated area. Before the war, this would have been unthinkable.

The war waged against Iraq last year by the U.S. alliance did not hit Kurdistan as hard as the rest of Iraq.

"There are no strategic targets, and the military bases are outside the towns. Nonetheless, the city of Kirkuk was bombed once, after the military brought planes into the streets. Hundreds lost their lives, but still the attacks were not as bad as in the south.

"I have literally to force people to talk about the war. The people were so hard hit both before and after the war that their "inhibition threshold' is very high."

The Kurdish uprising began in early March, when it became clear that Saddam Hussein had been defeated in the Gulf War.

"It started in the city of Rahnia. I heard from people that a few, maybe a few dozen demonstrators went onto the streets after they had heard that Saddam was beaten. They said, moreover, that this initiative came from a small communist group.

"In a few hours, a rebellion swept the entire town, and the population had occupied the nearby army bases. The revolt spread from town to town. It was a spontaneous uprising."

Were there groups that organized the rebellion after it got started, Saman was asked.

"In the beginning, small left groups were the most active. Then, the Donkeys [the regime's Kurdish militias] took over.

"Up until now, all regimes have tried to recruit Kurds for their purposes. During the war with Iran, many Kurds fled into the mountains rather than serve in the army. Saddam offered such people a way out, giving them the possibility of serving in the Kurdish militias, which we call the 'Donkeys,' rather than having to join the army.

'Thus, before the uprising, there were 300,000 armed Kurds in the country. Their leadership was made up of Saddam supporters. The ranks, however, were ordinary young men who wanted to avoid the war.

"So, when the revolt broke out, many of these militiamen turned their guns against the regime.

"In the following phase, even the leadership of the 'Donkeys' went over to the side of the people. This is easy to explain. Throughout Iraq, the people thought that Saddam was out of the picture.

"The uprising grew quickly. At the end of March, Kirkuk, the biggest city in the region, fell. While the Kurdish fighting units were marching on the city, the population itself rose up in rebellion. The government soldiers threw away their guns and fled.

"In many cities, the people formed committees of elected delegates, which organized the street fighting and distributed food."

Saman stressed that at this point the big Kurdish organizations had no influence over the uprising. He was referring to the Democratic Party of Kurdistan, led by Mahmud Barzani; and the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan, led by Jalal Talabani. These organizations constitute the traditional leadership of the armed struggle. Saman's bitteress about their attitude during and after the uprising was evident.

"They only came back after half of Kurdistan had been liberated. After the people took over Kirkuk, Barzani and Talabani tried to hold their first rallies. They had only a few supporters, fighters, and a still weaker popular base. Their first objective was to regain control over the mass movement.

"They fought the committees, rather than building them up in order to reinforce the uprising. They saw these bodies as competitors.

"In Sulaimaniya, the big organizations even used armed force against the committees. The PUK reportedly simply shut up the buildings where the committees met.

"What is more, they relied on the U.S. alliance to 'arrange' a Kurdish state or Kurdish federation for them."

Lack of preparation

The biggest mistake of the DPK and PUK leaderships, according to Saman, was that they did not prepare for Saddam Hussein's counteroffensive, although they knew that it was coming.

"They did not use the pressure of the mass movement and the strength of the uprising. This is all the more incomprehensible if you consider what a state of disorganization the Iraqi army was in. The soldiers were asking themselves 'Who are we actually fighting for here?'"

Saddam launched his counteroffensive at the end of March and beginning of April with helicopter attacks on Kirkuk.

"They started their assault from the air. They learned that from the Americans. Later on, they used ground-to-ground rockets, like the Scud, but with a shorter range. Kirkuk suffered heavy damage. A lot of neighborhoods were flattened.

"The people fled in panic. There was a chain reaction. As the refugees reached the towns further north, the population there also fled. The people screamed. "gas, Halabja!" [In 1988, in Halabja, thousands of Kurds were killed by poison gas.] "During the helicopter attacks, Saddam's soldiers threw out canisters filled with a material that resembled gas, which increased the panic."

Almost 2.5 million Kurds fled to Iran or Turkey. A few miles north of Arbi, the Iraqi counteroffensive stalled. According to Saman, this was because of the reaction of world public opinion and the resistance of the Kurdish forces, which had now come into their mountain bastion.

Kavah Golestan SIPA On April 18, U.S. troops came in and began to establish a "security zone" for Kurds in the north of the country.

"They claimed that they wanted to protect the Kurds. In reality, they only wanted to stop the flood of refugees before it reached Turkey.

"Most of the Kurds I talked to did not have much objection to the presence of the U.S. troops. They saw them as a protection against Saddam. But they had mixed feelings about the United States, since they opposed the sanctions against the Iraqi population."

When Saman was in the libetated area, the Kurdish leaders were negotiating with Saddam in Baghdad. He was critical of the secrecy that surrounded these talks.

"The people knew that the Kurdish leaders were exchanging brotherly kisses with Saddam in Baghdad. But they were not informed about the results of the negotiations. There had never been so much international support for the Kurds, but the people in Kurdistan got little from it."

Bureaucratic leadership

The main reason for the mistakes of the Kurdish organizations, according to Saman, 111 ships. They have a long tradition of deals was the bureaucratization of their leaderwith governments of the neighboring states, under the motto, "The enemy of my enemy is my friend." An example of the problems of this policy is the Iran-Iraq treaty of 1975. At that time, the Kurdish leaders in Iraq relied entirely on Iranian help. When this was suddenly cut off, the Kurdish movement was crushed.

"They cannot not base themselves on the mass movement, because they fear that it would get out of their control. So, ever since they seturned to the country, they have tried to push the mass movement back. Instead of basing themselves on the mass movement, they tried to buy the support of the leadership of the 'Donkeys.' For the same reason, they immediately entered into negotiations with Saddam, after they realized that the U.S. and its allies would not support them.

"You could say that Saddam and the Kurdish leaderships were both weak, and that therefore they had a common interest in negotiations. Both sides wanted to gain time in order to rebuild their positions."

In the spring of 1990, Saman said, there was definitely a possibility of the Kurdish uprising uniting with the uprising in the south.

"Here the West, it is said that the (continued on next page)

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capitalist-restorationist policies of the Poland today - 'It is us or them' by the West as a signal that they are lospeople, there was a splintering of the chance to taste the fruits of victory. For vote in the last parliamentary elections more than two years, the new governNone of the pro-government parties got ment has been demanding more and the president, Lech Walesa, won only promised capitalist prospenty, we are about 8 percent. Regardless of the elec- being ottered unemployment, intlation tion results, the capitalist-restorationist and impoverishment. policies have been continued, but it has We have been deprived of the minibeen very difficult to get a stable gov- mum social rights-the right to a job, In this context, Walesa, and his bour- free education and healthcare. The crazy geois admirers in the West, such as the clericalists of the right-wing Christian British Economist, openly propose People's Union want to deprive women "presidential rule" as a solution. In fact, as soon as they can even of their right to there have even been rumors in the most control their bodies a coup. In its March issue, Dalej!, the evident and glaringly unjust. They are paper of the Polish Fourth International- more than more striking for the working ists, responded to this threat. The people, who are coming en masse to the Class division is sharpening in our policy is producing bad effects but that society. The gap is increasing between the real problem lies in the fact that its those who are enriching themselves off entire policy is wrong. of the recession and off of the breakdown This is attested clearly by the results of our economy, and those who are pay- of public opinion polls published in February by Gazeta Wyborcza. These hiamentary forces.)

Polish society is more and more polls show that only every fourth Pole Realizing that they can no longer The society, and above all the existing sharply divided into two fundamental is still supporting the course toward cap- count on broad mass support, the elites organization of the workers' movement, social groups. Besides the fact that these italism laid out by the elite. are determined to act in spite ot, and has to show without delay that it will groups live in the same state and use the The majority of society does not want against the society. This involves limit- not remain passive in the face of the same language, they already have virtu- either privatization or the subordination ing democracy.

of our economy to the West. It is Up until now, the conceptions of horse cures down its throat.

On one side are those who are contin- demanding that state industry be defend- abandoning even parliamentary democra- We call on all workers' organizations uing to push the compromised policy of ed, that the jobs of the workforce be cy have been showing up most often in to hold a joint discussion of a strategy privatization and marketization, who are defended against the piratical demands of the statements of Lech Walesa. inspired by a greed for privileges and foreign capital. Even Gazeta Wyborcza, In fact, the public statements of the rights and dignity of working people, to wealth. which has consistently hailed the virtues president have been hardly more than establish inter-factory and inter-union Displaying total subservience to the of Balcerowicz [the architect of the gov- blather, full of contradictions and empty democratic structures to detend the interWestern economic powerhouses, they ernment's capitalist-restorationist generalities. But the basic meaning of ests of working people, [and] promptly disregard the interests of the majority of policies], has been forced to recognize his latest declarations is quite clear. He to undertake a national action, using all Poles with the same arrogance that that "the majority of Poles reject the is proposing that the elites stop playing available means, to meet the attack of marked the Stalinist governments of the capitalist bases of the reform." at parliamentarianism and combine Walesa and Olszewski and win the folThe elites are still turing a deaf ear to forces to hit the masses hard, quickly lowing demands:

This group is made up of various the voice of the majority. In general, the and decisively, before they are able to • full and automatic compensation for elites. One component is the new post- government has not responded to the move from the stage of discontent and increases in the cost of living. Solidarosc nomenklatura, which is now protests of specific categories of work- uncoordinated protests to the stage of completely separated off from society. ers, for example the February strikes of conscious self-organization and selfAnother is speculators of various sorts, railway workers and teachers. The elites' defense. who previously got along well with the reaction to the growing social discon- This is the basis of his concepts of Communist Party apparatus, and often ent is leading to desperate attempts to "presidential rule," "suspending parliacollaborated with it. Today, they have "broaden the ruling coalition."

This is intended to convince us that parliament," of "special powers" for the men." There is the old party there is a general agreement for "contin- overment and the presidency. The idea nomenklatura, which continues to be uing down the road" of privatization and is simple, a coup or rule by decree, in quite active. It rightly understood the marketization-[that is,] of unemploy- order to break the resistance of the massname the people gave it, the "red bour- ment and poverty.

An agreement for that exists only continuing decline in the standard of liv"golden age" of unimpeded development. among the economic and political elites ing On the other side, are those who live (including the Stalinist-capitalist succes- Today, the Polish elites are naked. by the work of their hands and minds- sor of the Communist Party, which is 'hey are becoming unreliable for the the Polish working people. After long more and more giving approval to Vestern powers and the International years of struggle with the Communist Olszewski's policy in hopes of being Monetary Fund [IMF]. They are not in Party dictatorship, we are not getting a admitted to the "broad coalition" of par- control of the economic situation, SOCIALIST ACTION JUNE 1992 17 In the face of mass discontent with the Polish government and the lack of any major party representing the working even a minimum mandate. The party of ernmental majority in parliament.

recent period that Walesa was preparing following is its lead article.

ing the bill for all this.

ally nothing in common.

Polish Communist Party.

gotten the official title of "businessgeoisie," and now it is coming into its ... Kurds from previous page) uprising in the south was led by Shiite Muslims. That, however, is not the most important aspect. The uprising began during the army's retreat after its defeat in Kuwait. Reportedly, on entering Basra, an officer drove his tank directly into a statue of Saddam, shouting 'How long are you going to stay cowards? Wake up!' "While I was in Iraq in August, there were reports that hundreds of thousands of civilians were still surrounded by Saddam's troops. There was a massacre. The people said that more civilians were killed in the crushing of the uprising than during the war itself.

"Neither is it known in the West that there were uprisings in Baghdad itself, for example, in the 'Saddam City' working-class suburb. The government ordered shelling of this neighborhood.

While Saman was in Iraq, most of the refugees came back. Along the roads leading from the Turkish border, there was one UN refugee camp after another. Later in the fall, there was a second wave of returnees.

At that time, there was still enough food in Kurdistan. The Turkish border was open, so that food shipments could come over.

"You could find everything on the black more sacrifices from us. Instead of the the right to a decent wage, the right to Class divisions are becoming more conclusion that the problem does not lie in the fact that the government's present market. Naturally, there was a hyperinflation. A white-collar worker's monthly salary was just enough to buy ten kilos of meat.

"Subsequently, the Iraqi government imposed an economic blockade on Kurdistan, and the most recent reports are that the distress in the north is now as great as in the rest of the country.

"The people wanted a decision. A lot of them said, 'If the negotiations don't produce anything, there is going to be more Did the people you met support the leaderships of the Kurdish organizations?, I asked.

"To be honest, yes. Lacking any alternative, most did. Among the intellectuals, however, I met some who were critical of all the leaderships."

Negotiations at an impasse In the fall [of 1991], the negotiations were at an impasse. Saddam proposed a limited autonomy. However, the region's most important city, the center of the oil industry, was to remain in Iraqi hands. Even the Kurdish demand to be allowed to adopt their own laws was rejected. The country was to have a common police, army and budget, with a few exceptions.

Barzani's DKP was rather inclined to accept the offer, while Talabani rejected it. There were contacts between Kurdish leadment," or "general sessions of es as quickly as possible and impose a ers and the Turkish government. Turkey made some promises about Kurdish autonomy in the framework of the Turkish state.

"If Talabani and the PUK think that they can get the support of Turkey, naturally they are going to be less ready to compromise [with Saddam]."

Saman is pessimistic but does not exclude the possibility that the Kurds will risk another uprising.

"The people that I met in the liberated area are ready. They all know how weak the government army is. There are more than a hundred thousand armed Kurds in the mountains, and they control some of the most modern military structures in Iraq."

A few days after this interview, shortly before Christmas, Saman's view was confirmed by an interview with Talabani. The latter called on Kurds to prepare themselves for a new war against Saddam Hussein.

"My friends in the south have also told me about growing discontent. A relative in Baghdad died from a simple burn, after his family has tried in vain for a week to find a place for him in the hospital. Food and medicine are in short supply."

There are also reports of persistent demonstrations against the regime, even in the south. In August, there was the fourth attempt at a coup since the outbreak of the wat.

Saman sees growing discontent throughout the country, even if the strongest because the strikes and protests are seen ing their grip on the social and political situation.

This is the reason for the dramatic letter that the IMF sent to the Polish government in February demanding "a stronger policy of structural changes" and "containing the budget deficit." The IMF is demanding sharper cuts in expenditures for social services and a more rapid "rationalization" of the labor market, that is a faster growth of unemployment.

The Wester financiers understood perfectly that in ordering Walesa and Olszewski to "tighten the screws" right away, they are at the same time ordering them to dump democratic methods of government. Walesa and Olszewski agree-maintaining democratic rules will not only make it impossible to meet the demands of the IMF but also to maintain the present position of the Polish elites.

The stepped-up offensive against our society cannot go unanswered. It is high time to counter the wave of antisocial demands trom the cabinet, Walesa and the IMF with the just demands of the Polish working people.

attempts to ram [capitalist-restorationist] for struggle to defend the elementary • A stop to mass layoffs and the elimination of unemployment.

• Immediate increases in appropriations for education, health and housing.

• An immediate program for rescuing the economy and defending state industry.

This will be a political struggle.

We have no other option. In order to assure the masses of people the basic conditions for living and working and to give the Polish economy a chance to survive, we have to defeat and smash the antisocial and antidemocratic policy of Olszewski, Walesa and the whole corrupt gang of parasitic elites.

Walesa and Olszewski have declared war on us. It is us or them.

organized resistance is limited to Kurdistan. At the same time, he speaks of deep disillusionment.

"The U.S. encouraged the people to rise up. Then, it only looked on as the government's planes slaughtered people in the south. Representatives of the resistance in the south came to the headquarters of the U.S. alliance in southern Iraq and appealed for food. They got nothing. That is what Western concern for human rights amounts to in reality.

"I am more and more convinced that the U.S. induced Saddam to invade Kuwait.

Then, they stopped the war just as Saddam's regime was in danger. They themselves fear even a "half-democratic" Iraq. What effect would it have on the dictatorships in Saudi Arabia or Kuwait?"

Most of the Arabs that Saman talked to in southern Iraq said that they did not back Saddam in the war.

"They considered him an idiot who had plunged the country into war, and wanted to get rid of him. Today, they are suffering from the sanctions, and at the same time cannot help seeing that the U.S. wants to to keep Saddam in power.

"It is often said that the sanctions are driving the people into Saddam's arms.

"I don't believe that. No one supports Saddam. He started the war. But the sanctions could provoke anti-imperialist feelings or a general anti-Western mood.""

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than before. The regime's repressive appa- ratus has broken down. Saddam's police