Referendum solves nothing in S. Africa
1992Michael Schreiber 1992-04Read it in the scan (PDF at ETOL), page 22 →
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"Despite the fact that apartheid laws have been rubbed off the books, Blacks are still denied citizenship rights. Almost 90 percent of the wealth in South Africa is still owned by a mere "Today we have closed the books on apartheid," declared South African President F. W. De Klerk after scoring a large victory over his right-wing opponents in the March 17 whites-only referendum. Over 68 percent of the white electorate voted in favor of continuing the CODESA (Convention for a Democratic South Africa) negotiations between the government and the African National Congress (ANC) and other Black groups.
But few Black people in South Africa share De Klerk's enthusiasm. At the same time that the results of the referendum were being made public, thousands of Black demonstrators thronged the streets of Capetown to protest the government's new budget, as well as plans for a Value Added Tax.
Despite the fact that apartheid laws have been rubbed off the books, Blacks are still denied citizenship rights. Almost 90 percent of the wealth in South Africa is still owned by a mere five percent of the population.
De Klerk called the referendum to try to out-maneuver the rival Conservative Party and other far-right parties. He assured voters that the government, in pursuing negotiations, was following a "middle road" between the left and the right. On the other hand, he warned, a "no" vote would cause Blacks to "rise up in anger" in radical—if not violent-mass action.
The rightists used the same kind of fireand-brimstone arguments in order to urge a "no" vote on the referendum. They, like De Klerk, went on the campaign trail to attract whites who fear losing their privileges when a Black-majority government comes to power. They found a hearing among many white farmers, for example, who are afraid that their lands will be redistributed five percent of the population"
to poor Black farmworkers.
In campaign rallies, the right-wingers portrayed De Klerk as a traitor to white people. The government is handing over South Africa to Black "communists," said Andres Treurnicht of the Conservative Party. "It is a referendum between God and the communists," said Eugene Terre Blanche of the neo-nazi Afrikaner Resistance Movement.
Despite the threat of God's wrath, the big corporations and media lined up with De Klerk. Companies distributed flyers to their employees saying, "Vote yes!" Several multi-nationals threatened to disinvest from South Africa if the referendum didn't pass. The U.S. government hinted that economic sanctions could be restored. After the victory, Johannesburg stock prices bolted upward.
The African National Congress, for its part, hesitated on what position to take on the referendum. At first, ANC leaders strongly denounced the referendum as a "hallmark of racism" and tantamount to a white veto. But the ANC was under mounting pressure to support De Klerk, and finally came out for a "yes" vote.
The results of the referendum were "a great relief across the country," said Nelson Mandela. "This overwhelming 'yes' vote means the [negotiations] process is definitely on course."
But negotiations to what end? Mervyn Frost, a professor at the University of Natal, points out that the referendum "will strengthen De Klerk's hand at the negotiating forum, CODESA, and endorse his policy platform—which includes a tough set of checks and balances aimed at ensuring power-sharing." (Christian Science Monitor, March 19, 1992.)
In its proposals for a multi-party "interim government," the ANC has already come a long way in signing onto the government's power-sharing scenario. De Klerk will now argue that, in order to consolidate white support, he needs even more concessions.
A mere five days after the referendum, De Klerk made several moves to strengthen his hand. He called for the creation of multiracial "transitional councils" to advise the govemment, which would be appointed by the president. He also proposed a twochamber parliament and a rotating presidency-both of which would assure minority guarantees for whites.
The ANC promptly accused De Klerk of reneging on previous agreements. It pointed out that the new proposals would leave "all powers in the hands of the present government." But the pressure on the Black movement to agree to compromises is stronger than ever. CODESA negotiations are scheduled to resume in April.