Haitians forcibly repatriated
1992Hayden Perry 1992-03Read it in the scan (PDF at ETOL), page 3 →
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Haitian refugees face an unknown fate when they are returned to brutal dictatorship.
A monthly newspaper with a working class Introductory offer: $3 for 6 months SOCIALIST ACTION MARCH 1992 By an 8 to 1 decision, issued Feb. 24, the U.S. Supreme Court has ruled that it is permissible for the U.S. Navy to intercept boats with Haitian refugees aboard on the high seas, seize the passengers, and deliver them to a brutal dictator who kills his opponents.
Fifteen thousand Haitians have fled for their lives since Sept. 30, when Lt. Gen. Raul Cedras ousted Jean-Bertrand Aristide, the first democratically-elected President in Haiti's history. They had good reason to flee, as Ton Ton Macoute and Army death squads roamed the streets, shooting down as many as 1000 Aristide supporters.
Bush says that he "deplores" the military takeover and admits that some civilians have been shot, but claims that all but a few of the Haitian "boat people" would be in no danger if they returned.
The navy has already transported 3400 fearful refugees back to Port au Prince, where squads of soldiers fingerprint each returnee.
This ominous reception has already been followed by the persecution, torture and death of some returnees. Others have fled a second time to save their lives.
Lawyers for the Haitian refugees have given the Bush administration documentary evidence of these new atrocities, but they have been ignored.
The administration intends to press on with the forced repatriation of the 12,000 refugees still in U.S. custody at the Guantanamo Navy Base in Cuba. They don't really care what happens after their cargo of desperate Haitians is unloaded.
The American people, however, are getting more and more disturbed as they see they were runaway slaves, and returning them to their masters.
Protesters are holding meetings and rallies in cities from Boston and Miami to San Francisco. President Bush was picketed when he appeared at a fund-raiser event in San Francisco on Feb. 25.
On Feb. 1, Katherine Dunham, a famous Black choreographer, went on a hunger strike to protest against the brutal treatment of Haitian refugees. Speaking to demonstrators outside her hospital window, she said, "This is the first time I've felt bad about being an American."
Now that there is no hope in court action, supporters of a free Haiti are campaigning to pass the Haitian Refugee Protection Act of 1991. This bill would halt the "deportation," in mid-ocean, of foreign nationals who are not even on American soil.
They also want the U.S Attomey General to extend Temporary Protection Status to Haitians. This would give them sanctuary until it is safe for them to go home.
Meanwhile, in Washington, D.C., and Port au Prince, intense negotiations are in progress. The Organization of American States (OAS), the Bush Administration, NEW YORK-On Feb. 7, a rally was held in midtown Manhattan in solidarity with the people of Haiti. Called by the Haitian Resistance Movement, it drew a mostly Haitian crowd-estimated at 5000βto Times Square where they chanted and waved Haitian flags.
The main demands of the rally were the return to power of ousted President Jean-Bertrand Aristide, and the granting of political asylum to the thousands of refugees who have fled the murderous military dictatorship that overthrew him. Chants and slogans on signs carried by many of the militant marchers included "Democracy or Death!", "No Aristide, No Peace!" and "Who Do We Need? Aristide!"
The crowd was addressed in English and Creole (the language of most Haitians) by a large number of representatives of the Haitian and American Black communities.
The speakers echoed the demands of the crowd for Aristide's return to power and asylum for Haitian refugees, and called for a total embargo on Haiti until the military dictatorship is removed. and Aristide are maneuvering to come to a political settlement.
On Feb. 24, Aristide and the two Houses of the Haitian Parliament signed an agreement recognizing Aristide's right to his office. They also agreed that Rene Theodore, a leader of the Haitian Unified Communist Party, should be Prime Minister.
Despite his party affiliation, Theodore stands to the right of Aristide. He wants to continue to work with Gen. Cedras, while Aristide wants to put the general in jail. But the military wants an amnesty for all who participated in the coup.
Washington and the Haitian elite want a civilian government that would end the uncontrolled violence that is driving people to flee. The Ton Ton Macoute are gangsters operating with military sanction. No one is safe from robbery and extortion.
At the same time, the people of property fear the desperate urban and rural poor. Only Aristide commands their loyalty. But Aristide, too, must be controlled. He will not be given the power to purge the military. Hence, the current negotiations may collapse if Aristide insists on control of the military.
The military has power today. The U.S. embargo has been modified so they are not hurt badly by it. They will set the terms for Aristide's return, and that will not involve the generals giving up politics.
Until the Haitian poor can mobilize the political power to determine their own destiny, they must have escape routes when life becomes too dangerous.
The American people can help by repudiating the U.S. government's racist policy and welcoming persecuted Haitians, who need a sanctuary from a murderous dictatorship.
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Bush, the self-styled "leader of the free world," rounding up Haitians as though