NYC rally demands UN condemn U.S. trade embargo against Cuba

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2 SOCIALIST ACTION OCTOBER 1991 NEW YORK-On Sept. 18, as the United Nations General Assembly ended the second day of its 46th session, a crowd of 500 gathered at Dag Hammarskjold Plaza to express its solidarity with the Cuban Revolution. The event was called by the New York Hands Off Cuba Committee.

The demonstrators held a spirited picket around the plaza, with chants focusing on the demand that the United States lift its 30-year economic blockade of Cuba. Slogans included: "USA, End the Blockade!" "Self-determination for the Cuban Nation!" "Cuba Si! Bloqueo No!" and "Hey, Hey! Ho, Ho! The Trade Embargo's Got to Go!"

A group of about a dozen counter-demonstrators down the street, representing the anti-revolutionary element of the Cuban community, shouted and jeered at the demonstration. But they were drowned out by the chanting of the marchers, who largely ignored them.

After the picket, the crowd was addressed by a number of speakers, including Panamanian activist Esmeralda Brown, Marciel Garcia of Hospital Workers Local 1199, Deborah Jackson of the Association of Cuban Journalists, Phil Oak of the Christian Peace Conference, and Elombe Brath of the Patrice Lumumba Coalition. Several messages of solidarity were also read.

The speakers' talks centered around support for sovereignty and self-determination for Cuba-including its right to decide what form of economic system to have-and on opposing the political and economic aggression of U.S. imperialism against Cuba.

They also stressed that, despite adverse conditions, the Cuban people were determined to defend the gains of their revolution-including advances in healthcare, education, literacy, and the elimination of poverty and homelessness.

Much of the focus of the remarks from the platform was on demands made to the UN to act in the interests of the peoples of the world rather than those of imperialism.

Esmeralda Brown, for instance, condemned the "double standard" of the UN. The United Nations, she pointed out, had been complicit with Washington's invasions of Grenada and Panama and and given quick support for the Gulf War while refusing for three decades to take up the issue of the U.S. blockade of Cuba.

The announcement made at the rally that the UN Presidium had acceded to the request of the Cuban representative that the Editors: MICHAEL SCHREIBER Staff: Alex Chis, Paul Colvin, Gerry Foley, MayMay Gong, Hayden Perry, Barbara Putnam, Weinstein.

Business Manager: BARRY SHEPPARD 308, San Francisco, CA 94110.

These are expressed in editorials. cussed by the General Assembly brought cheers from the crowd and chants of "Viva Cuba Socialista!"

At the end of the rally, participants were encouraged to step up their involvement in activities defending the Cuban Revolution.

In the current context, with Cuba under a greater threat than ever before, actions of this kind need to be organized on an increasingly broader scale in order to build the largest and most powerful solidarity movement possible in this country, a movement that will make Washington's cost of aggression against the Cuban Revolution too high to bear.

Closing date:

Sept. 30, 1991 Suzanne Forsyth, Malik Miah, Kwame M.A. Somburu, Sylvia

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NOFFORD OVIL WOSE BOUTS LOW can," but I observed that it did not pick up the momentum of the other slogans and was often replaced by the popular slogan of "Civil Hundreds of thousands of trade unionists-most of them wearing Rights Now." colorful identifying hats and T-shirts—marched in Washington, While smaller than the 1981 Solidarity Day (which attracted D.C., on Aug. 31 to protest the government's anti-union policies. 500,000 participants), this year's demonstration was nonetheless Billed as Solidarity Day 91, demonstration organizers estimated quite impressive. Although it was endorsed by over 180 national that over 325,000 unionists marched down Constitution Ave, to the civil rights, political, and peace organizations, the march and rally Capitol. was attended almost exclusively by trade unionists.

The objectives of the Labor Day protest were to support legisla- In fact, few people outside of the trade-union movement ever heard tion calling for a national healthcare plan, banning the replacement about the plans for the demonstration. Even within the unions, the of strikers with scabs, and eliminating discriminatory laws that deny event was mostly publicized through normal union leadership channels, which unfortunately often don't reach and seldom inspire the collective bargaining nghts to over 5 million public service workmembership. ers.

One of the most eye-catching contingents were the United Also, unlike the 1981 demonstration-which brought together thousands of unionists outraged by the government's firing of Mineworkers of America (UMWA) members, who wore army cam12,000 air traffic controllers-the 1991 focus on legislation failed to ouflage fatigues used during their bitter strike against Pittston Coal tap the dissatisfaction, the desire for action, growing in the ranks of Co. in 1989390.

Each section of the march took up the same chants and carried the same placards: "Unions Yes, Scabs No:" "Civil Rights Now " The AFL-CIO's own figures reveal the extent to which an even more massive march could have been scheduled had organizers offered "Health Care Now;" "Right to Strike, Scabs Out;" "Bargaining genuine solutions to the current problems facing the working class.

Rights for Public Employees;" "Invest in our Future, Invest in Education;" and "Federal Help for Our Cities and States." Since 1979, for example, the real earnings of the average worker have declined 12.1 percent; over 37 million Americans have no The largest contingent came from the American Federation of health insurance; nearly 20 percent of all children in America are livState, County and Municipal Employees (AFSCME), which draws a ing in poverty. Behind these brutal statistics is the reality of a big portion of its membership from public service workers in van- steadily deteriorating standard of living and quality of life for workous government social agencies, education, and healthcare. The ers.

United Auto Workers of America (UAW) had the second largest pat- Yet, labor officials at the rally limited themselves to meaningless ticipation, followed by the Machinists, Teamsters, Clothing threats to throw out of office those Democratic or Republican politiWorkers, Teachers, and Garment Workers unions. cians who don't vote for union-sponsored legislation. Not one In fact, virtually every union in the United States was present, speaker mentioned the alternative of using the power represented by with most of the major labor groups represented by marchers num- the march and rally to generate a political movement led and orgabering in the thousands. Together, both the AFSCME and UA W nized by the unions. delegations totaled around 50,000, with Black unionists comprising Fortunately, such an idea is being raised today by Oil, Chemical the largest proportion. and Atomic Workers Union (OCAW) leader Tony Mazzocchi, as he Overall, about 30 percent of the marchers were Black. There was campaigns for the idea of forming a labor party based on the unions. also a large percentage of women. This project was ignored by the top union officials who controlled AFSCME Local 457 from Detroit carried a banner which read, the podium at Solidarity Day '91 and who dominate today's labor "Jobs and Public Services not War " Railworkers held sions saving scene. Nevertheless, the idea of a labor party will undoubtedly pick "Railroaded by Congress," blasting Congress fot forcing them back up steam as the prevalent mood of frustration edges workers closer to work in April after less than a 24-hour strike. and closer to the stage where they will begin to speak for themselves Some UA W locals took up a chant of "Be American, Buy Ameri- and select genuine leaders who will voice their real needs.

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HANDS OFF U.S Theos Agarst Eno US

District 12 - Local 1591 (ES