Teamsters convention: Is a sleeping giant awakening?
1991Hal Mercer 1991-08Read it in the scan (PDF at ETOL), page 4 →
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The June 24-28 Teamsters Convention, held at Disneyworld in Florida, was entirely different than past conventions and, for that matter, the conventions of most other North American trade unions. Some commentators now claim that the International Brotherhood of Teamsters (IBT) is the most democratic union in the United States.
Sometimes chaotic, free-wheeling debate characterized some of the sessions. The first day opened with a rare display of unanimity as the delegates united to drown out President George Bush's video greetings and then went on to boo their unpopular IBT president William McCarthy.
McCarthy, at least, could draw laughter as he retorted, "I don't know why the hell you boo, I'm packing it in anyway."
This convention was shaped by the existence of a growing reform movement in the union, organized by the Teamsters for a Democratic Union (TDU) together with the nationwide campaign of Local 804 President Ron Carey, who has been conducting a vigorous grass-roots bid for the IBT presidency.
Impact of reform movement Under a 1989 consent decree settling a Justice Department racketeering suit against the IBT, the union agreed to amend their constitution to provide, for the first time, direct membership election of the union's top officers as well as election of delegates to the convention. In the past, appointed officials, staffers, and local officers automatically became convention delegates.
So, with the existence of an organized rank-and-file movement, this was a different ball game. In addition, a court-appointed overseer had brought charges against 117 Teamster officials for criminal activity in violation of the IBT constitution (15 for being members of "La Cosa Nostra") and had by the convention already barred many of them from union activity. The bureaucracy is split and reeling.
Out of 1926 delegates, 289 were Ron Carey supporters, a significant enough minority to put central campaign issues before the convention, and force the factions of the hierarchy to deal with them.
Carey has been campaigning for an end to nepotism and perks that enrich the bureaucrats at the expense of using the union's resources for organizing and mobilizing the members against the employer's offensive. This is summed up in his campaign slogan, "The Party Is Over," and it indeed seems to be for the parasitic layer of business unionists who have enriched themselves until now.
Despite last minute negotiations, the Teamsters old guard remained split into two hostile factions—the Walter Shea Slate, which is strongest in New York, New Jersey, and Pennsylvania; and the R.V. Durham Slate, which controlled the convention. With the December election looming, many of the Shea delegates voted with the reform movement to embarrass Durham. This division in the hierarchy allowed the ranks to make some important gains.
R.V. Durham Won't Stand Up!
IBT strike benefits have been very low and the officials successfully resisted TDUinspired attempts to raise them at previous conventions. Now, however, in an upset vote, the benefits were quadrupled to $200 a week, sending the employers an essential message that the union will henceforth stand behind its striking members.
In a "division of the house" standing vote, some 1000 delegates chanted "Stand Up, R.V. [Durham]!" exposing this group's opposition to the increase. This gave rise to the slogan, "R.V. Won't Stand Up for the Members!"
Another important gain was winning the right for hundreds of thousands of Teamsters covered under master agreements to vote separately on their local riders and supplements-something most other unions already guarantee. The members' right to vote for their top officers and majority rule on contract votes (issues that court battles (already $12 million has been spent of the members' money) against the right-to-vote provisions of the order. Speakers for the Carey Slate also spoke against government interference in the union, but focused on the union's failure to clean house itself and on the necessity of keeping the right-to-vote provisions of the consent decree in the union's constitution.
A Real Choice The convention delegates nominated the three slates and a few individual candidates for the December general election. Durham had the most support with 1001 votes, Shea had 574, and Carey 289. Despite these figures, the race is expected to come down to a close one between R.V. Durham and Ron Carey.
The question posed is: The same old leadership or the Carey Slate? The millionaires' slate representing business unionism or a revitalized union with leadership that is pledged to deepen democracy and take on the employers?
The Carey Slate could win if it is able to raise the funds to carry out a deep-going national campaign that reaches the membership in the shops and warehouses. Up until now, members have never had a chance to vote on anything meaningful regarding their union.
Election of the Carey Slate could be a big step in mobilizing the ranks. Such an outcome would indicate that the membership wants to tur the union around and transform it into an instrument to fight the class battles necessary to win back past gains, organize the growing non-union sector, and reinvigorate the IBT. Such a development would undoubtedly have a galvanizing effect on the rest of the labor