Apartheid regime campaigns to have trade sanctions lifted

Scan page 3

'The racist system is still very much alive and in control...' South Africa's President F.W. de Klerk has a lot to be happy about these days. On April 23, he had dinner with British Prime Minister John Major at 10 Downing Street in London. Major told de Klerk that the British government supports the lifting of all remaining bans against trade and international sports competition with South Africa.

Britain has won the 12-member European Community to its position that the EC's 1986 ban on the import of South African iron, steel, and gold coins should be lifted. Nigeria-the largest Black African country and historically a strong backer of the South African liberation movement—recently stated it will follow the EC's lead when Pretoria withdraws its remaining apartheid laws.

President George Bush and Congress are also expected to extend an olive branch to de Klerk soon if more apartheid laws are formally rescinded. In 1986, Congress adopted anti-apartheid legislation imposing sanctions on South Africa until minimal conditions were met. These conditions included legalization of banned groups, abrogation of apartheid laws, and the freeing of all political prisoners.

President de Klerk claims there are less than 200 political activists still in prison; the ANC says there are more like 3500. Recently, the ANC affirmed that it would end talks with the government if all political prisoners were not freed by May 9.

Nevertheless, the government has been stalling. Justice Minister H.J. Coetsee said on April 25 that the process of indemnifying those who had committed "crimes" in opposition to apartheid would be extended several weeks.

More ominous is the fact that, according to the ANC, "massive plans" have been uncovered to assassinate some of its leaders and to attack the Black communities before the May 9 deadline. The ANC traced the plot to a "third force" with links to the government security forces.

Keep the sanctions!

In spite of de Klerk's international campaign to clean up the image of his regime, the white supremist system is still very much alive and in control of South Africa.

Nelson Mandela, the main leader of the ANC, told Black mineworkers on April 27 that the EEC's decision to lift the sanctions was "racist." It shows once again, he said, "how Europe allies itself with South Africa and has no regards for the lives, the views, and the needs of Black South Africa"

In an interview in the April 13 issue of the People's Weekly World (which reflects the views of the U.S. Communist Party Chris Hani, a central leader of the ANC's military wing, Umkhonto we Sizwe, explained the ANC's stance on sanctions. Hani, who is on a speaking tour of the United States, is one of the ANC leaders facing criminal charges in South Africa.

"Apartheid is still in place in our country," Hani said. "We still have a racist parliament and racist institutions. What is happening in our country is the repeal of certain laws by the regime, but the repeal of those laws is meaningless because the land acts are repealed but there are no resources given to the landless—who are in the majority—to buy land.

'The regime will say that the Group Areas Act has been repealed. But again, Blacks cannot move into the so-called white areas without the permission of the white residents. So to the outside world, de Klerk appears to have introduced reforms. But in practice, those reforms remain on paper.

"It is wrong for the international community to act on the basis of de Klerk's promises. The victims of oppression, the oppressed people, should be the ones who say, 'We pleaded with you to maintain sanctions. We feel now that sanctions have achieved their purpose. You should lift them.' The signal should not come from the oppressor because the oppressor doesn't feel the pinch of oppression. It should be those who are subjected to oppression and exploitation who should feel the situation is irreversible."

Is the end of apartheid irreversible? Bush, Major, and de Klerk say it is. By that they mean legal segregation called apartheid has been eliminated.

ANC continues to retreat In fact, the rooting out of apartheid as a system is exactly what Hani implies: full political and economic empowerment of the oppressed Black majority—which de Klerk is UDE SHA dead against. The policy of the ANC and SACP, however, will not bring about that empowerment.

The ANC (and its allies in the South African Communist Party, the unions, and the popular organizations) are in a dilemma.

Mandela, Hani, and other ANC leaders recognize, on the one hand, that the de Klerk government is seeking to weaken their support among the Black majority in favor of right-wing forces such as the Inkatha group, while stiffening the backs of white supporters of the regime with the easing of international sanctions.

At the same time, the Black majorityespecially the youth-are demanding protection from goons and death squads organized by the police force. They are also pushing for more rapid changes in the system.

The ANC, the largest anti-apartheid group, is running a two-track policy. It is participating in talks with the regime on its measures to phase out apartheid. It is also responding to mass pressure by calling for the formation of Black self-defense guards to protect the Black townships from attacks by Inkatha and police-supported vigilantes.

While the ANC has mobilized people in marches, rallies, and mass boycotts, these tactics are seen as subordinate to the ANC Paul Weinberg leadership's behind-closed-doors the government.

A constituent assembly The ANC has downplayed the idea of a freely elected constituent assembly—which could give voice to the demands of the Black population within a new constitution. To date, the ANC continues to call vaguely for an "interim government" to be put in place before a constituent assembly could be organized.

On April 12, the ANC released an important discussion paper for a new constitution. The document, which follows months of discussions by the ANC's legal experts and supporters, is supposed to be a model for a constitution guaranteeing a non-racial democracy with basic freedoms enshrined in a bill of rights.

The paper envisions an elected president, as well as a prime minister and a two-chamber parliament. Elections would be by universal franchise. Currently, under the 1984 constitution, Blacks (three-fourths of the population) are denied any political rights.

The white regime is also floating some ideas for a new constitution. One proposal is for a two-chamber body but where the rights _of the whites are arranged in such a way that SOCIALIS Gull ae viet their influence will not be significantly weakened.

The entire policy of the ANC is to seek a legal transition from apartheid to a democratic republic. All of its threats of boycotts, mass protests, and defense guards against political violence are made from that standpoint.

There are no indications that—if the white minority government continues to stonewall as it makes progress on ending its international isolation-the ANC will act to build a mass movement to take power.

Moreover, the de Klerk government is seeking to draw the ANC back into the fold at every step. That's why it made the decision to extend the process of indemnification for political prisoners and exiles, and to continue holding talks with the ANC.

In June, the ANC plans a policy-making conference to discuss its proposals on a new constitution and other matters. In addition, the ANC is seeking alliances with old opponents such as the Pan Africanist Congress (PAC). In mid-April, Mandela attended a two-day meeting in Harare, Zimbabwe, between the ANC and PAC. The two groups say they will now work together; they are planning a conference in August to forge a united front.

The South African government is planning its own multi-party gathering this summer.

"Two hats" in the unions?

Debates on perspectives are also unfolding in the trade unions. Most unions are connected to one popular organization or another through adoption of common programs or union leaders being leaders of the anti-apartheid organizations as well. This has led to debates over "two hats." Can a leader of a trade union which is broad-based also be a leader of the ANC or another group without compromising the union's aims?

The debate, not a new one, became more urgent after the unbanning of the ANC, PAC, SACP, and other groups last year. The Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU), the largest federation, is led by ANC supporters. Many who attack their leadership do so by claiming the leaders have a "divided allegiance."

In fact, the debates on "two hats" is over what strategy for the unions and anti-apartheid movement. Every union battle is a political fight in South Africa because of the apartheid system. If the working class is to lead the popular movement, its leaders must be leaders of the nationalist and revolutionary formations.

Meanwhile, the need for international solidarity is urgent. De Klerk and his allies in Europe and the United States are making gains. The anti-apartheid forces must redouble their efforts demanding that the U.S. government and employers maintain sanctions. 'ACTION MAY 1991 3