'This is Malcolm X's legacy. He never rejected Black nationalism. He struggled to bring his revolutionary ideas into the real struggles of his time.'

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(continued from previous page) around their own demands. He spent his last year trying to build an organization for just that purpose.

Malcolm never rejected Black nationalism. He tried to redefine it in the context of the liberation struggles he witnessed first-hand in Africa and the Middle East.

If Malcolm's real words pose a problem for Farrakhan, it is only because he progressed much farther than the NOI on crucial political questions.

On the question of which forces in the Black community to look toward for leadership, Farrakhan urges his supporters to supBlack" and keep their money in the Black community. The argument is that by enriching Black businesses, African Americans can form an economic base independent from white America, and move toward establishing an independent state.

Malcolm X was for encouraging Black small businesses, but he increasingly rejected capitalism as a solution for Ăfrican Americans. He stated:

"Capitalism used to be like an eagle, now it's more like a vulture. It used to be strong enough to go and suck anybody's blood whether they were strong or not. But now it has become more cowardly, like the vulture, and it can only suck the blood of the helpless.

"As the nations of the world free themselves, then capitalism has less victims, less to suck, and it becomes weaker and weaker. It's only a matter of time in my opinion before it will collapse completely." (Interview in Young Socialist, March-April 1965)

History backs up Malcolm History has backed up Malcolm's point of view. The wealth of the world has long been divided up by the capitalists of the United States, Europe, and Japan. No new country, white or Black, can enter the world on a capitalist basis and expect anything but plunder and exploitation by the existing world capitalist powers.

The recent experiences of the Eastern European countries moving toward capitalism prove this. Rather than capitalist plenty, these countries are discovering capitalist unemployment, debt, and inflation.

The Black businesses in this country can never compete with the resources and political power of white capitalism. They are and will be dependent on the major corporations and banks of this country for loans, materials, and markets.

Farrakhan approaches the whole question from a position of weakness. Rather than looking to the illusion of a Black capitalist class, the Black nationalist movement should look to the millions of Black workers who make up the majority of African Americans.

These workers, organized in the plants, mines, offices, and schools of the country have the power-especially when participating in common action with white workers to shut down the profits of the white capitalists and run the industries in their own name. This is the way out of the racist capitalist system.

Malcolm also went further that Farrakhan in attempting to participate in the day-to-day struggles in the Black community. He went beyond the narrow religious base of the NOI and founded the secular Organization of Afro-American Unity (OAAU).

Malcolm did not see this in conflict with building a Muslim movement, and he founded his own Muslim Mosque Inc. at the same time. But he saw the need for an organization which could unite African Americans on the basis of their common oppression, rather than their religious views.

Malcolm saw the OAAU as an organization which would participate in the struggles of the Black community and would also bring the best young minds of Black America together to create a political program that met the demands of the majority of African Americans.

Such a program could serve as the basis for election campaigns and for common action with other forces, Black and white, who agreed on certain issues. "We would have some meeting and determine at a later date if we want to form a Black nationalist party or a Black nationalist army, " Malcolm told the founding conference of the OAAU on June 28, 1964.

Tragically, Malcolm was assassinated before he could build a solid organizational structure or train a new leadership to replace residents are Black, only 11.6 percent of CSU students were Black. Even worse, 83 percent of Black students were forced to take remedial "special studies" courses and only 6.3 percent of CSU graduates were Black.

The Roundtable report described Winbush's job as coordinating "efforts to strengthen student achievement, minority employment opportunities, procurement and race relations on campus and throughout the community."

Yet, as soon as he was hired, CSU President John Flower warned him, "We must be careful not to let the misperception emerge that you are the Black community's instrument to get a bigger piece of CSU."

Racism prompts firing

In June, after 10 months on the job, Winbush was surprised when he was only offered a 2 percent cost of living adjustment while other CSU vice presidents were given merit raises. When he questioned this new contract, Flower responded by firing him.

Outraged students went to Flower's office and demanded an explanation. When Flower refused to reconsider his decision, they formed Students for Dr. Raymond Winbush.

At first Flower tried to dismiss the whole incident as a salary dispute, saying Winbush had resigned over money. The story fell apart when word got out that Winbush had rejected a substantial buyout offer to resign.

Then Flower claimed Winbush was fired for poor performance—not being a team player, refusing to follow accepted university channels of command, failing to work well with white students, and alienating white business and community leaders.

Winbush explained, "I was an advocate for minority rights and that's what got me in trouble." During his 10 months on him. The OAAU declined and broke up after his death.

Malcolm's legacy

It is absolutely essential to carry on Malcolm's struggle to build a real independent Black organization.

Such an organization could stand as an alternative to Jesse Jackson's Rainbow Coalition and the phony independent projects of others, like Chicago's Tim Evans and his Harold Washington Party. These organizations disappear the day after an election and only come back to life next election time to support their leaders or other Democratic Party politicians.

A real Black independent political organiable salary offer to reflect his work that he has done at Cleveland State University."

Taking message to community While maintaining a 24-hour a day sit-in at President Flower's office, the Students for Dr. Raymond Winbush have also taken their message into the community, holding rallies at area churches featuring such nationally known civil rights leaders as Southern Christian Leadership Conference President Joseph Lowerey.

They have protested the CSU Board of Trustees' support for Flower's stance by picketing businesses of the Trustees. Seven protesters were arrested for trespassing at one of these demonstrations. They have also picketed outside the State Office Building demanding that Governor Richard Celeste intervene on Winbush's behalf.

Many churches and community organizations have sent support statements to the students. The Cleveland Board of Education passed a resolution "that it will desist from entering contracts of any kind with Cleveland State University until such time as the Raymond A. Winbush matter is satisfactorily resolved." Numerous politicians, including Cleveland Mayor Michael White, have offered their support.

Despite two bomb threats, three phoned death threats, and a mysterious gas leak which forced evacuation of the building, the students vow to continue their actions until their demands are met.

These demands are: "1. Reinstate Dr. Winbush! 2. Fair and equitable contract negotiations. 3. Increase the power and budget of the Office of Minority Affairs and Human Relations. 4. Create a clearcut job description for the position of Vice President of Minority Affairs. 5. Increased communication between the Administration/Board of Directors of CSU and the Student Body"

days a year and actively involve African Americans in its decision making-not just its fund raising.

Such a party would also be an example for the labor movement and speed the discussion of forming an independent labor party.

This is Malcolm X's legacy. He never rejected Black nationalism. He struggled to bring his revolutionary ideas into the real struggles of his time.

Young African Americans inside and outside the Nation of Islam who are looking to Black nationalism must carefully study and understand the real issues behind Malcolm's split with the NOI. Read Malcolm's words, not interpretations by the New York Times or Louis Farrakhan. These words still point