Beijing massacre was based on fear of Chinese working class

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SOCIALIST ACTION JUNE 1990 11 ;et.

ity in velople role astern d supstruglauded iction, They massed outside the university and together, students and workers, we marched on the Chinese Embassy.

I spoke to workers and Communist Party members, too. (I had been a member of the CCP.) There was tremendous sympathy for the Chinese people from everyone. They told me that the Chinese student movement had opened their eyes. I was very excited.

The experience of Romania is significant for another reason. It showed the Chinese people that workers' councils will be the principal force in overturning the tyrants in China because they played such an important role in Romania.

S.A.: What will it take to have a Romanian-like upsurge in China?

Cai Chung-Guo: You have to understand that the fall of the Chinese government depends not only on the dissatisfaction of the people but on the weakening of the Chinese government as well. Deng Xiaoping's death may prove to be a great opportunity.

A friend in Beijing told me: "Even the young police are saying to each other: 'Wait until the old Deng group dies.'" Certainly, there will be huge divisions within the Communist Party once the old guard dies. People are waiting for this moment and feel it will come soon. There is anger, expectancy, restlessness and growing hope.

S.A.: What type of society do you want to see come into place following a victorious anti-bureaucratic revolution?

Cai Chung-Guo: I don't want capitalism. I hate dictatorship, but people think that communist dictatorship is bad and capitalism is good. They don't understand.

Since 1979 capitalism has been introduced into China more and more. Workers want social justice, democracy, and freedom.

Tao Bin-Jiang is one of the organizers of the Beijing Autonomous Workers Federation. He was an eyewitness to the massacre in Tiananmen Square last June 3-4. The following interview was conducted last month in Los Angeles by Ralph Schoenman and Mya Shone.

Socialist Action: Tell us about your experience in Tiananmen Square last June.

Tao Bin-Jiang: I was in Tiananmen Square from the morning of June 3 until 8 a.m. on June 4. I saw at least 1000 bodies in the Square. I did not see those who were brought to the hospital near Chang An Boulevard although I heard that it was full of bodies. Many of the wounded were also brought to hospitals far from Chang An.

Resistance to the massacre developed around 5 a.m. on June 4. People gathered near the street intersections heard the army firing on the people in the Square. When they saw the bodies being carried away they couldn't control themselves and began to fight with the army. They began by setting the army trucks and tanks on fire. Fighting spread. Tiananmen Square was only one of the areas where the people fought back.

The army had not been able to approach the Square until 3 a.m. because the workers gathering in the street had massed to stop them. Throughout the East side of Beijing, people gathered in force and actually stopped the movement of the army through the streets. Some troops were unable to reach Tiananmen Square until 7 a.m. on June Many people were killed by the soldiers as they had to fight their way to the center of the city.

S.A.: How much support did the students have among the workers?

Tao Bin-Jiang: The student hunger strike in Tiananmen Square was strongly supported by the Chinese workers. It galvanized them. But they were concerned about the imposition of martial law on May 19.

The students were powerless to contain or direct the movement after martial law. The workers realized they had to organize themselves to force the government to accept the demands of the Democracy Movement. There was an overwhelming sentiment that martial law must be resisted.

Workers began to organize independent trade unions. They were the principal force to stop the tanks when they began to enter Beijing. The slogan of the union movement was: "We don't want even one soldier to enter Beijing." In fact, no soldier could enter before June 2.

Many people worked to develop the independent trade unions in every factory in Beijing. People supported the unions even if they didn't become members. Many were afraid to join the unions, but they sympathized and supported them nonetheless.

The massacre was not an accident; it was a studied measure. Following the June 3 killings, the workers planned to hold a big demonstration. We were going to carry the dead bodies throughout Beijing and call for workers to rise up in all of China. We were calling for a general strike to begin on June 5. This would have caused an uprising in China. The Chinese government would have fallen had the general strike taken place.

Government bureaucrats were uncertain that the Deng Xiaoping regime could survive even after the brutal massacre dispersed the students and workers. Deng had no confidence in the troops. The families of the Chinese officials left Beijing and the leaders were prepared to follow them.

S.A.: What happened after the strike?

Tao Bin-Jiang: The government tried to suppress information about the dead and wounded. On June 8, the government announced that every hospital could care for all those wounded. Then they cut off the supply of medicine so that the wounded would have to be turned over to the government.

Some doctors took patients home with them, but they could care for only a few of the wounded. Other patients were taken to government facilities where, I believe, they were executed.

I believe 4000 to 5000 people were killed and another 4000 to 5000 were wounded. Of course, everyone denies this. There has to be an international investigation; otherwise there will continue to be a cover-up of this massacre.