Malcolm X (May 19, 1925 - Feb. 21, 1965) His enemies embrace him while they muddle his ideas

Scan page 16

racist big-business media and "We don't judge a man because of the color of his skin. We don't judge you because you're white; we don't judge you because you're Black; we don't judge you because you're brown. We judge you because of what you do and what you practice. And as long as you practice evil, we're against you.... This society judges a man solely upon the color of his skin. If you're white, you go forward, and if you're Black, you have to fight your way every step of the way, and you still don't get forward.... It's racism. Racism practiced by America.... So we're not against people because they're white. But we're against those who practice racism... We're not for violence. We're for peace." (Pages 158-59, Malcolm X: The Last Speeches, Pathfinder Press.)

Malcolm X spoke those words five days before he was assassinated by a hail of bullets in the Audubon Ballroom in New York City on Feb. 21, 1965. He was 39 years old.

Malcolm X was the main spokesperson for the Black nationalist religious group, the Nation of Islam, until he left the organization in March 1964 over religious and political differences.

He advocated that Blacks fight for their freedom by any means necessary and explained that Blacks natural allies were other oppressed people in the world standing up for their self determination from imperialist domination. The struggle of Blacks, he explained, was part of the international movement for national liberation.

Rediscovering Malcolm X

Twenty-five years later the ideas of Malcolm X are more alive than ever. His face adorns T-shirts and buttons. And his voice is heard on the popular rap sound, "Self-Destruction," recorded by a group of musicians who call themselves the Stop the Violence Movement.

Pathfinder Press, the major distributor of Malcolm's speeches, has sold more than 500,000 books by and about Malcolm X, and since July it sold 33,000 copies of the recently published Malcolm X: The Last Speeches.

The newly formed National Malcolm X Commemoration Commission, among others, seeks to establish Malcolm's birthday, May 19, as a de facto national holiday.

The Washington Post, New York Times, and Los Angeles Times have all printed favorable articles on what the Washington Post called "The Resurrection of Malcolm X." Jesse Jackson and other prominent Democratic politicians who are Black have spoken at Malcolm X memorial meetings.

The attention and praise for Malcolm's contributions to the anti-racist struggle reflect genuine interest in Malcolm's ideas, particularly among young people. The major capitalist press and Democratic Party politicians would like to see that interest in Malcolm's ideas channeled into "safe" activities that don't disrupt the racist capitalist system.

Media hypocrisy

While alive, Malcolm X sharply criticized the racist big-business media and so-called Black leaders who refused to tell Black people the truth about their oppression and the true nature of the "American system."

An example is the New York Times, which now prominently features articles on or about Malcolm X around Black History Month and the dates of Malcolm's assassination and birthday. Their current flattering view, however, was not their view in 1965.

"He was a case history, as well as an extraordinary and twisted man, turning many executives, even top officers Tary.

This layer-called by the press and sociologists the new Black middle class—is a byproduct of the gains won by Blacks after the overthrow of Jim Crow segregation by the civil rights movement in the 1960s.

Before the late 1960s, members of the Black "middle class" were primarily in jobs oriented to the Black community-barbers, funeral home directors, professionals, and government employees. Institutionalized racism excluded Blacks from a number of service occupations and many skilled jobs, eIc.

Most educated Blacks lived in segregated neighborhoods and attended all-Black schools. Opportunities were limited. Even in the military, Blacks were second-class citizens. The U.S. army was only desegregated after World War II.

The victory of the civil rights movement changed all of that. Blacks are now mayors of the largest U.S. cities. The U.S. military's chief of staff is Black. A few token Blacks sit on corporate boards.

The so-called Black middle class income is not far below that of the white middle class. They attend the best schools. They live in the better homes. They travel and dine out regularly.

The base of most successful Black politicians is this layer of the Black community. Jesse Jackson's presidential campaigns have been fueled by this layer. He reaches out from this base to other minorities and whites.

This layer of the Black community, however, is out of touch with the real problems of the majority of Blacks. They don't live in the poorest communities. They don't identify with their problems.

In fact, many in the Black "middle class" see the "Black underclass" as one of their main problems. They want more police to fight "Black on Black" crime and drugs. Many blame Blacks themselves for their conditions. Some even push the ficticious lie that U.S. society is color-blind.

What's the reality But reality does rear its ugly head at times. Lynching of Blacks in New York and racebaiting and cop violence in Boston and Chicago leads even this relatively privileged layer to take notice. Their gains, too, can be pushed back.

The renewed interest in Malcolm X is a reflection of this concrete reality winning out. More Black youth—working class and middle class-see Malcolm's words as relevant to themselves. Nationalist pride and identification with Africa are on the rise. They see overt racism. They want to stand up.

Black youth especially identify with Malcolm X's international perspective.

Malcolm X traveled wide and far the last year of his life. During his trips abroad he concluded that the fight for Black freedom could not be separated from the international struggle against national oppression and colonialism. He said that the fight for Black equality was a fight for human rights.

Soon after the Organization of Afro-American Unity (OAAU) was formed in June 1964, Malcolm gave an interview outlining his views on the fight for Black equality today.

He said: "One of the organizations which we've formed, the Organization of Afro-American Unity, has reached the conclusion, after a careful analysis of the problem, that approaching our problem just on the level of civil rights and keeping it within the jurisdiction of the United States will not bring a solution. It's not a Negro problem or an (continued on page 11, in “Imprisoned SWPer, Mark Curtis, fighting for justice on many fronts”)