'E. German workers don't want unemployment'

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SOCIALIST ACTION MAY 1990 9 totally reactionary one.

These forces have tended to take the side of former East German Stalinist Prime Minister Modrow, arguing that he and the Stalinist bureaucracy represent the "last line of defense" of the East German workers' state against its absorption by West Germany.

But Modrow is no ally of the workers' state; he is among its best gravediggers. It was he who, shortly after the fall of the Berlin Wall, opened up the gates to imperialist penetration, selling off major sectors of nationalized industry to the West German capitalists and laying off thousands of government workers.

The way to integrate the sentiment for German unity into the struggle for socialism is by championing the workers' demand for unity on the basis of a political program thai champions all of the working class demands against capitalist exploitation and Stalinist oppression.

It is necessary to formulate a series of demands aimed at advancing the struggle in both components of Germany against the bureaucrats and the bosses: Equal Pay for Equal Work — Shorter Work Week With No Cut in Pay - Full Employment! But the starting point in formulating demands such as these must be support for the German of two East German marks for one West German mark.

This meant that the savings of East German workers would be cut in half with the stroke of a pen. It also meant that the average wage of an East German worker would be only 30 percent of that of a West German worker. (Even with parity, the East German workers will only make 60 percent of what their counterparts in the West make.)

Immediately, East German workers were again in the streets to demand parity of the mark. Kohl was forced to retreat and to offer a compromise financial package to the East Germans.

Role of Social Democrats Prior to the elections, most opinion polls indicated that the new East German Social Democratic Party, the SPD-East, would be the vehicle most likely to translate the East Germans' aspiration for unity and social welfare.

Throughout January, hundreds of thousands of workers turned out to hear West German SPD leader Willy Brandt. But at its founding conference in Leipzig in February, the SPD-East backed off from its support to a prompt unification of the two Germanys, proposing instead a lengthy unification "by Why do East German workers favor unification with West Germany?

Franz Schubert, a candidate of the Circles for Workers' Politics and Democracy in Leipzig, explained why during the recent election campaign in East Germany. He said:

"The tens of thousands of people who have been demonstrating week after week in Leipzig [at the regular Monday evening demonstrations] are not rightwingers, as the media would like us to believe.

"They, along with most of the workers in East Germany, are for the unity of Germany not because they want to become unemployed or because they want to pay higher rents, but because they want to have the same rights and living standards as their comrades in West Germany. They want equal pay for equal work. They don't want to become West Germany's poor relative....

"In the region of Dresden alone, 35 to 40 workers' councils have been formed in the factories since the Wall came down. In every city similar committees have been formed. Workers want to form new independent unions; this is one reason they have formed these factory committees. They want to get rid of the official Stalinist union federation, the FDGB.

"But the Stalinists who are still in control of the factories are doing everything to stifle the formation of these factory committees and councils. They want to discipline the workers with the same kind of labor legislation that has saddled the workers in West Germany.

"But the workers in these committees are strongly resisting these pressures and attacks. They don't want to 'participate' in the decisions made by someone else; they want to decide for themselves what policies will be carried out in the factories and in society at large." (reprinted in Tribune Internationale No. 15, March 1990)

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Contras in Nicaragua: Despite Chamorro victory, they refuse to disarm.

If anyone ever harbored illusions in the democratic and quick to respond." so-called progressive role of the Soviet (reprinted in Times of Latin America, bureaucracy's foreign policy, these illu- March 21, 1990) ticle on the Nicaraguan elections pub- open and criminal attack on the NicaThe article, titled "A free and just role of U.S. imperialism and of the vote," was written by Alexander Bary- Nicaraguan capitalist class in destroying shev, deputy editor-in-chief of the USSR and sabotaging the economy. Amerika. Its official character is indicated trade embargo, and the Nicaraguan bourby the fact it was released by the Soviet geoisie's decapitalization which accountTo read it you would think Ronald the thoughtless Sandinista administration Reagan had written it. The author states: or their stilling of the market. was largely justified. Their thoughtless Sandinistas bent over backwards--incoreconomic administration and suffocation rectly-to provide the private sector with of the market hit the économy hard. generous incentives to produce. But this Ousted from political offices, the private money wound up in the coffers of the sector was unwilling to give a helping contras, not in the productive sphere.

"On the contrary, in a huff, many po- with the reformists of all stripes, are litically indifferent entrepreneurs joined rushing to the aid of the new Chamorro eager beavers. Blunders in the agricultural ing." the president of the new UNO-domand cooperative sector only fueled the inated National Assembly in Nicaragua is *The Nicaraguans have made their of the pro-Moscow Nicaraguan Socialist choice and the Sandinistas had to go.... Party (PSN). The PSN, along with the I Jhe defeat may become a useful re- PCN (Communist Party of Nicaragua), minder for any government to listen to is part of Chamorro's reactionary UNO the people, even the opposition, and be coalition.—A.B.

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make numerous concessions to the contras and U.S. imperialism-concessions that ultimately led to their ouster from power— on the promise that the contras would be demobilized.

The contras were to be demobilized by Dec. 1, 1987—and then the date was pushed back time after time, while the imperialists pressed for further concessions from the Sandinistas.

Well, election day has come and passed and a new president has been sworn into office--and still the contras are not demobilized! Twelve thousand contras remain fully armed inside Nicaraguan territory, poised to come to the aid of Chamorro in the event the "unruly Sandinista mobs" aren't willing to turn back their farms to their former landowners, or the workers decide to strike against the new government.

The day after Chamorro took office the contras were—-once again—to begin laying down their arms. One week later, only one contra, literally, had agreed to put down his gun. The rest openly stated their refusal to do so until the Sandinistas had been driven from all positions of influence in Nicaragua.

Today, all the forces of world counterrevolution—-from the imperialists to the Stalinists to the Social Democrats-are rushing to prop up the UNO coalition and government. They are also pressing the Sandinistas to collaborate with the new regime. The buzz word is "national reconciliation."

Unfortunately, the top leadership of the Sandinista Front has shown its willingness to cooperate in this reactionary venture.

FSLN Commander Humberto Ortega, for example, has agreed to become the head of the new army under Chamorro, who will become the new Defense Minister. Ortega's role, according to Chamorro, is an interim one: to disarm the civilian militias (tens of thousands of guns are still unaccounted for among the population) and to rebuild a disciplined capitalist army.

Chamorro's close advisers have been willing to alienate many of the top contra brass by appointing Ortega to head up the army. They believe that the Sandinista leaders are needed to disarm the people and "depoliticize" the armed forces.

Class struggle not halted The entire Nicaraguan and Central American revolution was dealt a severe blow with the Sandinistas' electoral defeat. But the class struggle hasn't been halted. The rank and file of the FSLN are angry and are addressing some of their fire at their own leadership for helping to pave the way for the UNO victory.

Workers and peasants who have supported the government and revolution are saying they will fight to preserve the gains of the revolution.

We should remember that the Nicaraguan people haven't forgotten the torture clinics set up by former Somoza National Guard Col. Enrique Bermudez and his cronies. Bermudez, a leading contra commander, is expected to return to Nicaragua to be part of the new government.

The Sandinistas, under pressure, released close to 8000 contras and ex-Somoza guardsmen from prison. These are people who killed, raped, and tortured. Members of the Sandinista army and militias—as well as the members of the cooperatives and other "footsoldiers" of the revolution-will not easily tolerate having these contra terrorists on the loose.

They are worried that the contras will seek to take their revenge against those who have supported, and will continue to support, the Nicaraguan Revolution.

It is in this context that the comrades in the Movement for Revolutionary Unity (MUR) have a good opportunity to link up with the workers, peasants, students, and Sandinista rank and file who made the revolution and defended it against all odds for more than 10 years.

The MUR put forward a revolutionary alternative to the Sandinistas in the February elections and won one seat in the National Assembly. [See electoral platform of the MUR in the October 1989 Socialist Action, and recent interviews with MUR leaders in the April 1990 Socialist Action.] Following the elections, leaders of the 10 SOCIALIST ACTION MUR have been invited to union meetings and informal gatherings of Sandinista members to present their views on what should be done next. They are being looked to for answers about why the Sandinistas lost the elections and what strategy should be followed to defend the gains of the revolution.

The reason they are being sought after is sions should be put to rest by a recent arlished by a leading Soviet official.

Academy of Sciences journal Latinskaya Embassy in Washington.

"The backlash against the Sandinistas hand to the floundering Sandinistas.

the opposition and called fire and brim- govemment.

stone upon the heads of the ideological dissatisfaction.... because they were able to reach tens of thousands of people with a program that called for defending, deepening, and extending the Nicaraguan Revolution on the road to socialism.

On events in South Africa The world working class won a big victory with the release of Nelson Mandela, a victory which should not be attributed to any one particular anti-apartheid organization— namely, the ANC.

It was the continued mobilization of millions of Black workers, slum dwellers, students, and peasants throughout the 1980sthe numerous general strikes and stayaways, the constitution of mass Black trade unions (COSATU and NACTU)-which sent a signal to the white minority that apartheid had outlived its usefulness and was creating a situation so explosive that capitalist rule itself was in danger.

Understanding this new situation, imperialism began to put pressure on the South MAY 1990 African ruling class to change the form of political rule from apartheid to a more traditional form of neo-colonial, capitalist domination.

Imperialism also sought Gorbachev's support to help stabilize South Africa throughout this potentially explosive transition. (Gorbachev wields tremendous influence with the South African Communist Party, and also with the ANC.) Not surprisingly, Gorbachev willingly acquiesced.

We can expect that the imperialists (and This piece by Baryshev represents an raguan Revolution, It whitewashes the It was the contra war, the imperialist ed for the "foundering economy"-not In fact, the opposite is true. The Today, the Soviet bureaucracy, along In line with Gorbachev's "new thinknone other than Luis Sánchez, the head Gorbachev) will place increasing pressure on the ANC to preserve capitalism and to limit or restrict Black majority rule. Gorbachev has already suggested a two-chamber parliament for a post-apartheid state in which a white minority could veto the decisions of the Black majority.

We must fully understand that Black majority rule is the central political question in South Africa today. De Klerk has announced that he is willing to work out a formula for whites to share power with Blacks in South Africa-but he has explicitly ruled out Black majority rule.

De Klerk said that majority rule (a very elementary bourgeois-democratic demand) was "not suitable for a country like South Africa because it will lead to the domination and even the suppression of minorities." (New York Times, April 18)

Pinning hopes on ANC The imperialists are pinning their hopes on the top leadership of the ANC to secure a negotiated solution that would cut short and derail the freedom struggle of the South African people.

They are aware of the fact that the ANC leadership, at its December 1989 meeting in Paris, "disavowed the old rhetoric of nationalizing business ... and recognized the need for rapid growth," to quote an article that appeared in the Daily Nation of Nairobi, Kenya. (reprinted in World Press Review, April 1990)

Newsweek magazine (April 16) explained Mandela's defense, following his release from prison, of the old ANC policy on nationalizations "largely on his need to maintain credibility among the more radical activists [in the ANC]." They expect he will back off from this position if the apartheid regime grants him some political concessions to show the South African masses.

The imperialists are also aware of the fact that in his trial in 1960, Mandela was willing to compromise on the issue of Black majority rule. Mandela stated at the time:

"We believe for the moment that whites are not ready for a Black-majority government. We think we could give you 60 seats [in the national legislature], which means that the Black people will designate 60 Blacks to represent them in the parliament. Five years later, we could review the terms of the agreement."

"In my opinion," Mandela said in his trial, "this will be a great victory. I will tell them I agree, but I will never give up our demand to have the right to vote." (quoted in Fraternité-Matin, Abidjan, Ivory Coast, March 18, 1990)

Articles in the bourgeois press, such as the one in Fraternité-Matin, are hoping Mandela will back off from Black majority rule today and seek an interim compromise that would "lead South Africans to national reconciliation." The ANC could save face, they say, by promising majority rule sometime in the future.

The ANC's call for a non-racial South Africa (as opposed to Black majority rule), as well as its commitment to a mixed capitalist economy, make it particularly vulnerable to imperialist pressures and maneuvers.

This commitment to a mixed economy was spelled out specifically in the ANC's new Constitutional Guidelines adopted in 1988. The combined tasks of the South African revolution-the struggle for democracy and against apartheid combined with the struggle against capitalist exploitation— are dismissed by the ANC's new Guidelines.

Meanwhile, thousands upon thousands of anti-apartheid activists in South Africa have called for a fight against "racial capitalism" and for socialism.

Currents such as the Azanian People's Organization (AZAPO) and the Cape Action League are raising the call for a Constituent Assembly and "one person, one vote"without any two-chambers to restrict Black majority rule.

At the 9th National Convention of AZAPO, held in Johannesburg on March 34, the 7000 delegates put forward the call for a Constituent Assembly within the overall call for a "Socialist Azania."

These currents are opposed to negotiations between the ANC and the ruling apartheid regime behind the backs of the people and without their input. They argue that only a Constituent Assembly, where the masses themselves can decide on a new constitution and future, can meet the democratic needs of the people.

They correctly understand that in this epoch of secret negotiations and "regional agreements" between Gorbachev and Bush, the bourgeois-democratic demand of a Constituent Assembly has an immensely revolutionary dynamic for the South African masses.

Build the Fourth International!

Whether it be Germany, Nicaragua, South Africa-or the United States—the struggle for socialism is very much alive.

Our movement, the Fourth International, is the only one today in the workers' movement that can rightfully claim that its banner is untarnished. Our program holds the only hope for millions of people worldwide seeking a way out of capitalist exploitation and bureaucratic oppression.

To meet its historic responsibilities, the Fourth International must seek to win the best militants in all these countries to our program and organization. This, in fact, is the essential question facing our movement in every arena of the class struggle: the need to build parties of the Fourth International based on the historic program of our movement.

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.Struggle for socialism A Soviet view on Nicaraguan elections