Stop U.S. Intervention in Central America! What's the most effective way to build a movement MOSTOS CC

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The murder of six prominent Jesuit priests and their two co-workers in San Salvador last December brought the issue of El Salvador back into the U.S. press, which prefers U.S. involvement there to remain a dirty secret.

Following on the heels of a spectacular military offensive by the FMLN guerrilla forces, this atrocity created a deep sense of outrage in U.S. religious communities and again raised the question of U.S. support to the Salvadoran government.

The Cristiani government continues to cover up high-level officers responsible for this brutal slaying, one of the most publicized of El Salvador's estimated 70,000 military/death-squad murders over the last 10 years. During this period, the United States has sent billions of dollars in aid. Currently, aid flows in at the rate of $1.5 million a day.

A timely call to action A call for ending all U.S. aid was thus timely and necessary. A national day of actions against the U.S. war in Central America has been called for Saturday, March 24. Commemorating the tenth anniversary of the assassination of Salvadoran Archbishor Oscar Armulfo Romero, an array of peace and religious organizations have called for marches and rallies in Washington, D.C.; San Francisco; Los Angeles; and Austin, Texas.

The largest march, expected by organizers to be in the tens of thousands, will be in Washington, D.C. Event sponsors include CISPES, the Nicaragua Network, NISGUA, SANE-Freeze, the Rainbow Coalition, and several national religious denominations.

Demands center on U.S. intervention against El Salvador and Nicaragua, calling for cutting off all U.S. aid to the vicious Cristiani regime, and an end to the policy of contra harassment and economic strangulation of Nicaragua. Other key demands are "no invasions; end the occupation of Panama; U.S. troops and bases out of Central America; end military aid to Guatemala; cut military spending and fund human needs."

This action is receiving its primary support from Central America activists and concerned religious constituencies. Unlike the April 25 march of three years ago, there is only marginal labor support. A number of unions have backed away from the demand of ending all aid to El Salvador, either remaining silent or focusing on legislation such as the Kerry Bill.

The Kerry Bill, named after the Democratic senator from Massachusetts, calls for ending military aid and suspending economic aid, while tying future support to the Salvadoran government to "progress in human rights."

Polishing the image of a right-wing military regime is necessary when atrocities occasionally reach the attention of the public in this country. Conditional aid bills provide a mechanism for this. Kerry and other Democrats in Congress hope to use U.S leverage to produce a more "stable" situation in El Salvador, while securing U.S. business interests "in our backyard."

Many opponents of U.S. policy in El Salvador back these legislative efforts. The movement against U.S. intervention in Nicaragua has similarly played the legislative game, for example, by supporting lesser-evil "humanitarian aid" bills for the contras.

But far from being stepping stones to a cut-off in U.S. aid, such bills are designed to derail the anti-intervention movement by giving a humanistic cover to U.S. interventionism. Moreover, focusing on this legislation demobilizes the movement, which can only grow by organizing an independent force around the compelling principle of self-determination.

D.C. march: smaller than needed That this march in Washington, D.C., will be smaller than previous marches-and certainly smaller than what is needed to end U.S. intervention—is due to many factors.

The anti-intervention movement has been increasingly quiet as it relies on diplomatic negotiations for the solution of fundamental problems in Central America.

Confusion and false hopes have followed the diplomatic "peace process." While liberation movements like the Sandinistas and the FMLN have every right to enter into negotiations with the United States, it is necessary to recognize that the "peace process" promoted by Costa Rican President Oscar Arias in 1987 has provided a vehicle for the continuation of U.S. domination in the region.

The U.S. antiwar movement should forthrightly oppose the right of the U.S. government to negotiate the future of the peoples of Central America. The United States wields enormous military and economic power which it uses to exact one concession after another from the liberation movements at the negotiating table and behind the scenes. This is particularly so when the USSR is willing to cut off vital aid to liberation movements as a way of ingratiating itself with the U.S. administration.

The task of U.S. citizens is not to support the results of negotiations that will inevitably reflect U.S. terms, but to organize around ending U.S. intervention altogether.

Unfortunately, the March 24 Washington, D.C., organizers have called for "an end to all U.S. aid" (an anti-intervention position) and "support a political negotiated solution" (a call for the U.S. government to intervene in a supposedly progressive way in El Salvador). Removal by local activists of this unprincipled demand for negotiations would help orient the action toward respect for the basic right of self-determination.

Adapting to Democrats

The D.C. organizers have also backed away from a clear anti-interventionist position around the Panama invasion. At a Jan. 15 organizing meeting in Washington, D.C., a debate was held on whether to include Panama at all. Subsequently, the official poster and a national youth call failed to mention the Panama invasion.

The Panama invasion was a classic example of U.S. gunboat diplomacy, securing U.S. capitalists' interests in the Canal and legitimizing military adventures in the region.

The omission of the Panama invasion on the poster and youth call reflect a desire to not offend supposed Democratic allies of the Salvadoran people like Senator Kerry, who joined in the euphoria as the imperialist invasion progressed.

Nothing makes clearer the real attitude of Democrats and Republicans in Congress toward Central America than their support for this brutal invasion. To tailor principles to gain their support is to sell your birthright for a mess of potage.

Joseph Ryan/Socialist Actior The mass demonstrations that helped orce U.S. withdrawal from Vietnam were built on a clear anti-interventionist basis. They were effective in reaching the greatest number of people with principled slogans like "Out Now!"

Militant form of lobbying The organizers of the Romero march have departed from a correct strategic orientation in another important respect. Non-violent civil disobedience (CD) is being set to immediately follow the march, rather than on the next day, as has been the norm.

After the main rally, a march to surround the White House will begin. An area will be declared "Romero Plaza," and CD will ensue. This high profile of CD indicates a move away from mobilizing the greatest number of people.

CD actions by their nature exclude most working people, who are unwilling to face arrest and jail. Instead, CD relies on a small group of people to convey outrage in highly visible ways. In this context, it is a militant form of lobbying, rather than a means for mobilizing the forces that can change the political landscape.

Despite the problems with the March 24 action, an important statement of opposition to U.S. policy in Central America will be made by thousands of protesters. But to be truly effective in staying the hand of the warmakers in Washington, the anti-intervention movement must come to grips with the grave political shortcomings that have affected this Romero commemoration rally in Washington, D.C.