Dinkins mayoral victory won't stop setbacks for workers and minorities

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NEW YORK-As America lurches into the 1990s, the ruling class is looking to Democratic Party politicians to institute a new series of attacks on the working class, necessitated by capitalism's deepening economic crisis. Black Democrats are increasingly included among these politicians.

One test case widely looked to is that of New York City. The victory of David Dinkins as mayor in November is being hailed in many quarters as a "success story" for minorities in America and as the "dawn of a new era" for Blacks in New York City.

Dinkins' promise to "heal the wounds" of the city through the "politics of inclusion" and his stated commitment to address the crises of homelessness, healthcare, and other issues has led some to conclude there is a "rebirth" of a "liberal wing" in the Democratic Party.

Nevertheless, while many trade unionists and anti-racist, pro-choice, and housing activists worked to elect Dinkins, his campaign was hardly the grassroots effort it was sometimes portrayed as. Even as Dinkins faced the racist demagogy of Republican challenger Rudolph Giuliani, New York's leading big-business newspapers were moving to endorse Dinkins.

After all, Dinkins' general campaign fund was the heftiest of the major candidates, reflecting backing from key real estate and business figures. As the Black weekly City Sun noted, despite Dinkins' stated commitment to "community empowerment," his transition team consisted of a striking amount of Koch holdovers and other bureaucrats.

Dinkins announces budget cuts It is true that Dinkins took positions on some questions that could be considered radical within the spectrum of New York City Democratic Party politics. These included his opposition to the use of Staten Island as a port for U.S. nuclear warships, criticism of police brutality, and support to a city council bill to exclude all companies that do business in South Africa from doing business with the city government.

But the real cutting edge of his campaign was outreach to white potential "crossover" voters, particularly through a series of Giuliani-like TV commercials trumpeting his support to Israel, the "need" to double the police on the beat, and the need for mandatory drug testing for parolees.

Dinkins' inauguration speech on Jan. 1 spoke in "Great Society" tones about the gorgeous mosaic of races and nations that make up New York City. But the real message was conveyed three days later when Dinkins announced over $200 million in budget cuts in all departments, including schools and hospitals. This was on top of $640 million in cutbacks instituted by Mayor Koch since last summer.

Experts predict the deficit could balloon to as much as $1 billion in the next fiscal year without further cutbacks and tax increases. As usual, the cuts will fall disproportionately on the city's poor and minorities.

A contracting economy Dinkins had attracted support during his campaign on the basis of his opposition to Koch's "mean-spirited" approach to homelessness, racism, and the healthcare crisis. When asked if the cuts would affect the ambitious promises and programs he had campaigned around, he said, "At this point our dreams exceed our budget."

The explanation for this "mysterious" metamorphosis can be located in the deepening crisis of capitalism, and in its reliance on the Democratic Party in times of crisis to draw new layers into support of the system.

Since the stock market crash of October 1987, the New York City economy has contracted. Twenty-two thousand jobs have been lost on Wall Street alone. This is particularly devastating since the city has lost over 72,000 manufacturing jobs since 1981.

Similar contractions have led to similar budget crises in all the nation's cities, due to diminished tax revenues. Someone must pay; it won't be the rich. They contribute to Democratic and Republican Party campaigns precisely so they can count on favorable tax breaks. It will fall on working people and the poor to pay.

Felix Rohatyn, Dinkins' chief financial advisor and the man who presided over New York's budget crisis of the mid-1970s, predicts that the earlier crisis "will appear benign compared to what New York City is likely to face in the years 1990-1995." percent margin. The only explanation can be that many white Democrats would vote for anyone rather than vote for a Black man as mayor.

The same racism that functioned within the campaign will continue against minorities afterwards. But the morning after the next act of racist violence, New Yorkers won't have Koch on the news, denouncing Black "extremists." Instead, they'll have David Dinkins, "the healer," balancing between his campaign pledge for a civilian review board and his pledge to double the police force.

After all, the same racist cops, courts and big business media continue to exist. Dinkins was elected based on a campaign that never fundamentally challenged these institutions' policies.

Support for Dinkins, whether as a "stand against racism" or otherwise, is no more justified after the election than it was before the election. On the contrary, what is needed is a political party independent of the Democrats and the Republicans that fights for the interests of the anti-racist and labor movements 365 days of the year.

As the economic crisis deepens, many will search for a way to fight back. The fight against racist violence, the fight for a decent contract for municipal workers, the fight to keep hospitals and clinics open-these and other issues will lead to mass-action united fronts.