Socialist Action (US)

The monthly paper of Socialist Action, San Francisco, 1983–2010

Bury Racism

Socialist Action, Vol. 7, No. 10, October 1989 · scan p. 7 · about 873 words

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Although demonstration organizers poorly publicized the event, 35,000 participated in the civil rights march. murdered a 16-year-old Black youth, Yusef Hawkins.

"The price of freedom"

The NAACP responded to the Supreme court rulings by calling a march on Washington for Sat., Aug. 26, around the theme, "No Retreat on Civil Rights."

A flier distributed at the demonstration explained: "We march because the Supreme Court in four 5-to-4 decisions has reversed civil rights gains.... We march because we have learned well from history that the price of freedom is eternal vigilance and, unless we move on our own to protect what we have won at such great cost, we can look to no other quarter for help.

"We march to make it clear to all our fellow citizens that our nation has not eradicated racial discrimination. And until there is an end to the unfairness of racism, we shall, in the words of Dubois, 'never cease to protest.' "We march because we know that the battle is not over, that our warfare is not accomplished. We march to hold fast to the dream. We march to keep hope alive. We march because the struggle continues."

Aug. 26 was chosen because that weekend marked the 26th anniversary of the huge 1963 civil rights demonstration in which Martin Luther King gave his famous "I have a dream" speech. The protest was called as a silent march to commemorate the July 28, 1917, anti-lynching march in New York City.

Originally, the march was projected as a symbolic one, with 1000 participants. This concept only changed when organizers became deluged with requests to participate.

Poorly publicized

While the NAACP deserves credit for taking the initiative to call a national action in defense of affirmative action, it failed to recognize the potential.

At a press conference a few days before the march, NAACP Executive Director Benjamin Hooks expressed this contradictory phenomenon, saying: "We are not looking to bring vast numbers of people to Washington. It's time for all of us to stand up and say we are determined that there will be no further retreat on civil rights."

As a long-time Cleveland civil rights activist put it, "This is the most poorly publicized demonstration I've ever seen on such an important topic."

Yet, despite the poor organization and lack of publicity, 35,000 demonstrators participated. The crowd clearly reflected both the weaknesses and the potential. For example, only one bus came from Cleveland-which had sent 35 buses to the 1983 march. Even worse, only nine people on the bus came from Cleveland. Six were from Mansfield, Ohio, and 22 were from the small town of Ravenna.

Unfortunately, the Cleveland NAACP was not atypical. Many large city branches failed to turn people out. However, wherever efforts were made, as in Ravenna, people came.

A number of labor organizations, including the AFL-CIO, endorsed the march, and several trade unions sent token delegations. Two unions, the United Auto Workers (UAW) and the United Steelworkers of America, had sizable contingents-sending buses from different areas. A group of striking Pittston coal miners-dressed in camouflage fatigues-stood out in the crowd.

Although the National Organization for Women endorsed, and a few NOW banners were visible in the march, no serious effort was made to include the women's movement in this protest. Similarly, Hispanic, Native American, and Asian American organizations were not involved. This was despite the fact that the Supreme Court rulings against affirmative action programs directly affect women and all oppressed minorities.

Although participants were urged to return to Washington for the housing march on Oct. 7, the Nov. 12 pro-choice march wasn't even mentioned.

"It's about time!"

A UAW member from Detroit summed up the mood of the participants when he said: 'It's about time we got out in the streets again. Everything we gained in the '60s came from demonstrations. We've been quiet too long. It's about time we started moving forward and marching again."

But the message from the speakers' platform was the exact opposite. Instead of caliing for more demonstrations, speaker after speaker called for work within the Democratic Party.

Washington, D.C., Mayor 23-3 welcomed the crowd by urging them to petition their representatives in Congress. AFL-CIO President Lane Kirkland promised that not only would he march with the demonstrators, but he would also lobby with them.

Irene Natividad of the National Women's Political Caucus admonished the protesters that "there is no shortcut to choosing congressmen and senators who will protect our rights." The final speaker, Jesse Jackson, urged participants to "go back to the streets, back to the halls of the legislatures, and back to the voting booths."

Jackson concluded his remarks by explaining, "All we're saying is do the right thing." Yet both the Democrats and Republicans have given ample evidence over the years that for them the right thing is protecting capitalist profits—not defending the rights of working people, women, and minorities.

History shows that all the victories that have been won resulted from independent mobilizations in the streets, not voting for supposed "friends."

The Aug. 26 demonstration, despite its poor leadership, points to the possibility of building a movement that can ensure that the slogan of this march, "No Retreat on Civil Rights," becomes a reality.

← Contents of Vol. 7, No. 10, October 1989

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