The real meaning of the 'Jackson phenomenon'

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NEW YORK PRIMARY ISSUE VOTE As long as the oppressed class in our case, therefore, the proletariatis not yet ripe for its self-liberation, so long will it, in its majority, recognize the existing order of society as the only possible one and politically constitute the tail of the capitalist class, its extreme left wing.

But in the measure in which it matures towards its self-emancipation, in the same measure it constitutes itself as a separate [politicall party and chooses its own representatives, not those of the capitalists. Universal suffrage is thus the gauge of the maturity of the working class. (Engels, "The Origin of the Family, Private Property, and the State")

Jesse Jackson's campaign to win a place on the Democratic Party presidential ticket has had a big impact on the American political scene. Millions of workers and farmers have given an enthusiastic reception to Jackson's "anti-capitalist" rhetoric.

Unlike his nomination bid in 1984, Jackson has been able to expand his constituency beyond the Black community. What's new in 1988 is the remarkable response of white working people to JackFollowing are excerpts from an editorial that appeared in the April 13-19 issue of The City Sun, a major Black-oriented newspaper in the New York City area.

Although Socialist Action does not necessarily agree with all of the opinions stated in the article, we are son's populist message of social reform. With the worsening economic conditions as a backdrop, this is clear evidence that discontent among America's workers is reaching dangerous levels.

Favorable coverage

Jackson has worked feverishly to pose as the candidate—not only of the millions of disenfranchised and super-exploited Blacks and other oppressed nationalities-but, in the first place, as the workers' candidate, the farmers' candidate, the poor peoples' candidate, the candidate of the unemployed, and the women's candidate. By successfully doing this, he has been catapulted into a two-man race for the Democratic Party presidential nomination.

Even more phenomenal than the Jackson "phenomena," however, is the calculated decision by the top ruling circles of American capitalism to grant him equal media coverage with all the other "major" candidates of the Democratic and Republican parties.

In this media-dominated world, Jackson would have been in a much more difficult position if he didn't receive ample and favorable TV, radio, and press coverage. What motivated the ruling elite to allow an equal hearing for Jackson and his radical-sounding speeches? Only the naive would argue that this is simply the result of American "democracy" in action.

Neither is it enough to say that the ruling class's purpose is to bring the millions of alienated and disenfranchised working people back into the arena of the electoral shell-game. While this is partly true, it is only a relatively small part of their motivation. After all, the trend toward voter abstention has been occurring for the last 40 years-paralleling the drift to the right of both the Democrats and Republicans.

Economic downturns

Turning over the TV and radio networks to a man whose message would feature loud lip-service for an end to "economic violence" by the rich against the poor could be risky business for the capitalist class. The only factor that could justify such a gamble by America's rulers is their conviction that an explosive rise in working-class combativity is not far down the road.

As the October stock market crash indicated, the coming period of economic destabilization will qualitatively worsen the living standards for a substantial number of the working and middle classes. And the phenomenon. On one hand, the growth in consciousness of American working people is reflected in the votes Jackson has received during the primaries—especially from white industrial workers. On the other hand, this consciousness still remains trapped within capitalist political channels.

Jackson's purpose and value to the rulers is twofold. He can only be effective by appealing to the needs of workers, farmers, and the oppressed through demagogy. If he didn't do this, he would have no authority in the eyes of this powerful constituency.

But at the same time, Jackson must fuel the illusion that fundamental social change can only occur within the framework of established political institutions—like the Democratic Party. Jackson's role is to short-circuit the historic necessity of working people to form their own political party. As long as the disenchanted millions are trapped in the Democratic Party, they can't raise their own program, solutions, and demands. They remain the left-wing tail of the ruling rich.

Karl Marx and Frederick Engels always pointed out that the economic emancipation of working people can only occur through their self-liberation from the political parties of their bosses. While no time-table can be set in advance on when the economic bubble will burst, one thing is certain: The first instinct of workers and the oppressed will be to step forward with their own political banner and party.

In this sense, the "Jackson phenomenon" is a symptom that the nearly 40-year period of relative working-class conservatism is coming to an end.

playing by its rules in 1988. And now, four years after he launched the Rainbow, Jackson can neither point to its actual existence nor its ability to carry his own candidacy, far less anybody else's.

In 1984, when he was a maverick, Jackson had to take on not only the