Nicaragua implements Coast autonomy Nicaragua's plan for autonomy

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"Another aspect of the new law is the recognition of the right to bilingual, bicultural Dorotea Wilson Lita Blanc/Socialist Action The following is an interview with Dorotea Wilson, a representative from the Atlantic Coast of Nicaragua to the National Assembly. The interview was conducted in October 1987 by Socialist Action reporter Lita Blanc in Taxco, Mexico, at the Fourth Feminist Conference of Latin America and the Caribbean.

Socialist Action: What is meant by the struggle for autonomy of the Atlantic Coast?

Dorotea Wilson: I would like to begin with a description of the Atlantic Coast. It is a region with 250,000 inhabitants distributed among six different ethnic groups: the mestizos [Spanish-speaking national majority], the Miskitus, the Creoles [mixed Black-mestizo-indigenous], the Sumus, the Garifunas, and the Ramas.

The region makes up 50 percent of the national territory. The economy was shaped by the presence of multinational companies which exploited the gold and silver mines. Our resources also include forests and fishing. We have 80 percent of the forest educa land of Nicaragua, but we have had to replant our forests because we inherited forests that were stripped of their resources.

Historically, the ethnic groups of the Atlantic Coast were extremely marginalized. We were cut off from the Pacific In December 1984, the newly elected government of Nicaragua announced a project to define an autonomous form of government for the Atlantic Coast.

For the first time, the Sandinista government came out squarely in support of the legitimate demand of the coastal people for autonomy.

During the first years of the revolution, the Sandinistas had committed a series of political mistakes in the Atlantic Coast, all of which stemmed from their failure to recognize the legitimate aspirations of the coastal people. These errors provided the U.S.-backed contras with a fertile ground to recruit and organize against the revolution.

In late 1983, however, the Sandinista government openly acknowledged its errors and swiftly began to adjust its policies toward the Atlantic Coast.

In December 1983, the government decreed its first amnesty law, specifically pardoning Miskitus who laid down their arms.

This amnesty, together with a change in government policy toward the Atlantic Coast, permitted thousands of Miskitu fighters who had taken up arms against the government to come back to Nicaragua and to pursue the fight for their demands within the framework of the which affect the region. All this will be accomplished within the framework of respecting our own culture, traditions, and religion.

The first principle is that of national unity with ethnic diversity. We are against the concepts of integration and assimilation. We believe that the culture of the Atlantic Coast enriches that of the country as a whole.

Another principle Autonomy Project is respect for traditional forms of land tenure. This is one of our most important demands.

S.A.: What do you mean by that?

Wilson: Traditionally, land has been held collectively. Land titles are communal. revolution.

In December 1984, the government announced the draft of a new Autonomy Project and began to take steps aimed at healing the rift with the Miskitus. In May 1985, for example, the government allowed Miskitu communities to return to the Rio Coco, from where they had been forcibly removed in January 1982.

Before long, the three contra-linked Miskitu groups began to lose popular support and members-to the point where, today, they have been reduced to a skeleton force. In addition, numerous ex-contra backed Miskitu groups— such as the Kisan Pro-Peace, Autonomy, and Development—are now cooperating with the Nicaraguan Army in defense of native communities against the contras.

Finally, on Sept. 2, 1987, the Nicaraguan National Assembly, after a day and a half of debate, ratified the autonomy statute with few changes. The new law includes 43 articles which "aspire to incorporate the six ethnically different communities of the Atlantic Coast into national life, guaranteeing their equal opportunity through their preservation and development of their distinct cultures." (Envio, November 1987)—L.B.

Assembly-is over. Now the difficult part is the application of the law. The law provides for a Regional Autonomous Government and a Regional Autonomous Assembly in which all the ethnic groups shall be represented.

We are working together with the Supreme Electoral Council and with the local communities in order to figure out how all this will come about. The issue of representation is a difficult one. For example, we have 60,000 Miskitus, less than 10,000 Sumus, 800 Ramas, and 40,000 Creoles.

What mechanism will we use to ensure fair representation? Actually, we are discussing setting up two autonomous regions: one in the North Atlantic Coast, and one in the South Atlantic Coast. The specifics of it all still have to be worked out.

S.A.: What role have the contras played in the Atlantic Coast?

Wilson: In 1981 and 1982, native to set up a provisional government there, and to separate the Atlantic Coast from the rest of Nicaragua.

The Reagan administration has not discarded this plan, but it has not been able to carry it out because of the participation of the inhabitants of the Atlantic Coast in the formation of 96 Peace and Autonomy Commissions. In fact, many native groups which had left Nicaragua have returned under the government's amnesty law. Just two weeks ago, 400 contra guerrillas of Kisan [the remaining CIA-backed Miskitu organization] came back after six years.

S.A.: What effect has the contra war had on the Atlantic Coast?

Wilson: The situation has been extremely difficult. Food, medical supplies, and basic infrastructure are problems for us. For example, two years ago 33 bridges were destroyed—-some by the rain but many more by the contras.

S.A.: Have there been any recent incidents?

Wilson: Just a week ago, a group of 500 contras wanted to take over the town of Saint Thomas. We lost 20 comrades in that confrontation. The contras are driven to desperate actions in order to get the money they want from the Reagan administration.

S.A.: What role have women in the Atlantic Coast played in this process and how does their situation differ from women in the rest of Nicaragua?

Wilson: We have organized the Movement of Atlantic Coast Women for Peace. It is a movement where women from all the different ethnic groups can get involved. As women, we have raised the demand for the reunification of our families because the native family has been split up. Some are in Honduras, some are in Costa Rica.

Within the Peace and Autonomy Commissions, more than 60 percent of the members are women. Women have played an important role in the political process since the revolution. A Miskitu woman has a top government position in the Atlantic Coast, and two of our three delegates from the Atlantic Coast to the National Assembly are women. [The other two deputies are Hazel Law, a Miskitu activist, and Ray Hooker, a Creole leader.—L.B.] As women, we share with all Nicaraguan women the goal of fighting for liberation and peace, but we have our specific demands as an ethnic minority in Nicaragua.

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