Teamsters dissidents set goals at TDU convention

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their existence helped deter successfully breaking the SOCIALIST ACTION NOVEMBER 1987 5 Approximately 400 working Teamsters came together Oct. 10-11 in Windsor, Ontario, for the 12th annual Rank and File Convention of the Teamsters for a Democratic Union (TDU). They met to discuss the past year's experiences, set priorities, plan contract campaigns, and educate themselves.

Recently, TDU has been getting a wider hearing from the 1.6-million members of the International Brotherhood of Teamsters (IBT), who are increasingly on the move— demanding better leadership, better contracts, and decent working conditions.

Over the past year, TDU has successfully challenged the international's imposition of drug testing on carhaulers, gotten a wider hearing for its campaign for the right to vote for top officials, won some important elections for union office, and made an impact through its campaign for a better contract at United Parcel Service (UPS).

TDUers also believe that their existence as a national opposition helped deter IBT officials from successfully breaking the hard-fought Watsonville, Calif., cannery strike. Teamsters President Jackie Presser realized that the political cost would be too high to emulate the United Food and Commercial Workers leadership's strikebreaking at the Hormel company.

Majority rejected UPS pact The optimism displayed at the convention followed soon after the August vote on the national UPS contract. For the first time, a 51-percent majority rejected the pact described in Teamster magazine as "one of the finest contracts the Teamsters have ever negotiated."

A majority voted "no" despite a 50percent part-time workforce, major unfair labor practices by UPS management, and the international's sales effort.

TDU's organizing evidently made a difference. In areas where there was no TDU, people voted seven to one for the contract. Where the TDU was active, the vote was three to one against. . The TDU's contract bulletins enabled the members to see through all the hype about "no concessions." They saw that they would be making less real income in 1990 than in 1982 or 1987, and that there would be new concessions in lower new-hire rates and the introduction of part-time drivers.

UPS tried to buy votes through a series of bonus payments in lieu of higher wage increases, a practice decried by nearly all trade unionists but promoted by IBT officials. The key demand that the two-tier be eliminated was ignored. The scheme of paying new hires a lower wage was actually expanded in this contract.

UPS fight is not over After the vote, rather than going back to the bargaining table to renegotiate, Presser invoked Article XII, the "two-thirds rule," and declared the contract ratified retroactive to Aug. 1, 1987.

This fight is not entirely over yet. UPS Local 804, the largest in New York City, is protesting Presser's ruling to the International Executive Board, and is also threatening court action. TDU has filed charges with the National labor Relations Board against UPS for unfair labor practices—and is challenging ratification of the contract in court.

Angry UPS employees continue to join TDU in large numbers. Some activists are realizing that they under-estimated the readiness of UPS workers to fight.

Many understand that they should prepare for a possible strike to win a better contract. Both Presser and UPS management tried to play on the fear of the rank and file that a "no" vote would automatically mean a strike.

With the majority of TDU's membership concentrated in freight, especially in its strategic road-driver section, the organization is well situated to prepare the ranks for the freight negotiations set to begin in January. While the industry will continue to be unstable, the Master Freight contract (NMFA) still covers some 200,000 workers.

Particularly at the larger companies, the mood seems to be more combative than for some years now. IBT officials and the major companies have been engaged in a joint propaganda campaign to convince freight teamsters that they must sacrifice to increase the industry's profitability.

Meanwhile, the companies are engaged in the worst rate war in their history. Profits are down 30 percent this year, despite increased freight tonnage and revenues.

This dog-eat-dog competition favors the large well-capitalized companies. The top three have nearly doubled their market share since 1980. The fourth largest carrier, P-I-E Nationwide, is about to go under or at least face radical surgery—costing many jobs. This is primarily due to incredible financial chicanery.

Consequently, the employers are trying to cut labor costs by using non-union brokers and subsidiaries, using railways to carry trailers, and using low-rate casual labor and below-rate teamsters.

The companies are also launching Employee Stock Ownership Plans (ESOP) that cut wages. They hope in the coming contract to extend the two-tier, eliminate jobs through work-rule "flexibility," and introduce part-timers.

"Ready to strike!"

A shortage of qualified drivers in some areas improves the Teamsters' bargaining position, and gives the IBT an opportunity to organize non-union freight companies.

Freight activists at the convention met and made preliminary plans to launch an early campaign around a theme such as, "Ready to strike for equality, justice, and jobs!"

They plan to focus on a few demands like: "Bring all up to scale, end the two-tier and casual rates, dump drug testing, and assure job protection through preferential hiring for employees displaced by closures." A continuing issue is organizing the unorganized.

A national freight committee was launched to begin mobilizing the memberiville, Ca., ship early they difference.

trusteeship Teamster activists also had to direct their attention to the new situation opened up by the threat of a possible federal government suit under the Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt Organizations Act (RICO). This could result in a court-ordered "reorganization" of the IBT, including the replacement of its top officials by a courtappointed trusteeship.

The President's Commission on Organized Crime claims the IBT is one of four unions dominated or influenced by mobsters. Presser, although an FBI informant for many years, is facing a federal trial for embezzling $700,000 in union funds.

The government has already taken RICO action against four local unions in the New York/New Jersey area: Teamsters Local 814, Cement and Concrete Workers Local 6A, UFCW Local 359, and Teamsters Local 560.

Even the threat of a RICO suit hurts the entire trade-union movement—in particular, the Teamsters' organizing and bargaining positions.

The Presser leadership has responded to the government attack by accusing the Reagan administration (of which the Teamsters have been the most craven supporters of any major labor organization) of "communist-fascist tactics." Meanwhile, the Teamsters political action committee is squandering its funds on trying to buy support from politicians of both bigbusiness parties.

But no effort has been made to activate the IBT officialdom-let alone the membership—in the fight against RICO. The discredited Presser leadership fears mobilizations of the membership (although partial and controlled) even more than it fears RICO. Therefore, its approach is to pressure the membership to fall in line behind Presser and the status quoin the name of union loyalty.

For membership control Nevertheless, with the threat of a RICO suit shattering the union bureaucracy's aura of invincibility, conditions may favor the growth of the rank-and-file movement.

Increased membership activity may depend on the TDU's ability to credibly advance its campaign against government and mob control. The TDU has long stood for measures to clean up the union, including the establishment of an IBT Ethics Committee. At the last Teamsters convention, TDU submitted a petition with 100,000 signatures demanding direct election of top officers.

However, while the TDU convention took a clear position against a trusteeship and did not call for any form of RICO intervention, it still fudged on whether government action might help the membership win control of their union. This is reflected in a half-hearted letterwriting campaign to Congress asking that Teamsters "be given a right to elect our top officers" through the RICO lawsuit.

To look to the government to bring union democracy is like looking to put the fox in charge of the chicken coop. Only the rank and file can transform the union— especially by means of mobilizations against the employers. There are no short cuts.

After years of concessionary contracts and retreats by the union leaders, there is a new fight-back spirit developing in the rank and file. TDU's growth reflects this, as did the hearing its contract campaign got at UPS.

TDU's call to the membership to fight both government trusteeship and bureaucratic corruption by acting to reform the union from the bottom up should get a good response. After years of hard work in difficult circumstances, the rank-and-file movement seems poised to make significant breakthroughs.

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U.S. Constitution

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«TDUers believe that IBT officials from hard-fought Watsor

Joseph Ryan/Socialist Action workers