AZAPO leader discusses trade unions and ANC

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10 SOCIALIST ACTION SEPTEMBER 1987 Socialist Action Forums San Francisco:

A video presentation by Daniel Sheehan, chief counsel, Christic Institute. Friday, Sept. 18 at 8 p.m. Asbestos in Our Schools' Naomi White, PTA rep. to S.F.

Asbestos Control Council

Manny Dull, Student Body President of McAteer High School Sylvia Weinstein, Joseph Ryan for Mayor Committee Friday, Oct. 2 at 8 p.m.

Place: 3435 Army St.

Rm. 308 San Francisco The following are excerpts from an interview with Sath Cooper.

Along with Steve Biko, who was assassinated on Sept. 12, 1977, Cooper is considered one of the most prominent figures in the Black Consciousness movement. He was imprisoned for nine years at Robben Island for his political activity.

In 1985, Cooper became president of AZAPO, an organization that was founded in 1978 following the proscription of the Black Consciousness movement. AZAPO later affiliated with the National Forum, a coalition including seven unions and various left-wing currents, like the Cape Action League.

Question: A few weeks ago, a meeting took place in the capital of Senegal between white South African liberals and representatives of the ANC. What do you make of this meeting?

Cooper: I think the Western press gave this meeting more attention than it deserves. What is essential is not what goes on at this type of gathering, but what goes on inside Africa The ANC is an important component of this movement, but it is not the only component. And it is precisely because there are many organizations that have contributed to promoting the mass mobilizations that there is so much concern in certain milieus about finding a "solution" to the current situation before it is too late.

Question: One of the major federations of Black workers, the COSATU, recently held its congress. Much has been said in the French press about the congress' decision to endorse the Freedom Charter.

Cooper: The COSATU congress was a major event because it affirmed the will of the majority of the membership to chart a socialist course for South Africa. This is what the Western press failed to point out. The Freedom Charter was adopted as a document that fits into this overall perspective.

But I do think it is unfortunate that a trade-union federation was called upon to adopt a specific, narrow political platform. to this procedure among various union affiliates to COSATU-something the media also failed to point out.

In my view, it was a mistake to have imposed such a political program. As anyone can readily understand, particulary those who are fighting against apartheid and capitalist exploitation, there are diverse political currents within the liberation There is the ANC, but there are also the Pan-Africanists, the continuators of the Black Consciousness Movement, and the socialists who are regrouped around the Azanian Manifesto [the founding platform of AZAPO].

It is the right of all workers to discuss all of these political positions and to make up their minds on their own. It is not up to the leadership to hastily push through the approval of a particular program without any real discussion or debate...

But I think it would be wrong to conclude that COSATU has lined up behind a particular political organization. The problems that are contained in the decision to endorse the Freedom Charter will only become apparent in the months to come.

It would be unfortunate, however, if some time down the road, COSATU had to confront not only the apartheid state, but other sectors wishing to place obstacles in the path of its trade-union activity.

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Haitian workers and peasants have mobilized to destroy remnants of Duvalierism.

A year and a half after President-for-life Claude Duvalier fled the island, the people of Haiti are once more in the streets. They are demanding an end to a government that continues Duvalierist policies of oppression, corruption, and attacks against the living standards of the population.

Peasants in the countryside and workers and students in the cities are being drawn into an ever-widening struggle that threatens to topple the regime of Lt. Gen. Henri Namphy.

Disillusion with the National Council of Government (CNG) set in almost as soon as it assumed power following Duvalier's exit. This is quite understandable since the new government was selected by Duvalier with the consent of the American ambassador.

The government has alternated between brutal repression and reluctant concessions. In March 1987, a new constitution was drawn up, promising democratic elections. A big majority voted for the constitution. They expected to be able to When Duvalier fled, Lt. Gen. Namphy was forced to disband the Macoutes and rely on the army. Not only was the army too small a force to control hundreds of thousands of restless Haitians, but in addition some soldiers were seen siding with the demonstrators.

Namphy has begun to stiffen the army as a repressive force by enlisting former Macoutes. They do not share the average soldier's reluctance to shoot into unarmed crowds.

In the countryside, the Macoutes have operated more openly. In Jean Rabel, about 100 miles from Port au Prince, peasants who had been robbed of their land set out to get it back. On the way, they were ambushed by agents of the landlords and chopped to death with machetes and axes. As many as 300 peasants are said to have been killed in the massacre.

Crackdown on opposition

At the end of July, the government went on a broad offensive. Men in uniform fired on six radio stations that had supported anti-government protests. They also made threats against leaders of the Organization

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