Trotsky revived... and reviled

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Leon Trotsky, founder and organizer of the Red Army, reviews troops during May Day, 1920.

SOCIALIST ACTION JUNE 1987 13 atmosphere, the polarization of society is being taken to the extreme, with the appearance of a small layer of people who are literally millionaires. These are people who did not earn their income through their work, but by contraband and official theft.

"The policy of 'economic openness to the West' has signified, in practice, that Hungary has had to implement a series of austerity measures imposed by the International Monetary Fund-and hence has had to confront the working class in order to pay back the bankers and the capitalists in the West."

Policies meet strong resistance Indeed, Hungary is a perfect example of what Leon Trotsky meant when he said that the Stalinist bureaucracy acts as the transmission belt of imperialism within the workers' states, undermining the gains of the planned economy.

But the resistance to the bureaucracy's attacks on the workers has been resolute.

On March 15, 3000 people marched in the streets of Budapest in a commemoration of the defeated Hungarian revolution of 1848—in opposition and open defiance of the official government celebration. The demands of the demonstrators were expressed by Gyorgy Gado, who stated: "Hungarian democracy will be reborn. For that, we will need freedom of speech, freedom of assembly, and freedom of the press."

Another demand raised by the demonstrators was the withdrawal of Soviet troops from Hungary, a promise which was made 30 years ago and still has not been kept.

This is how a Hungarian dissident described the march in an open letter published in France in mid-April:

"Dear friends, "This year's March 15 commemoration represents an event of great significance...

"This year, the workers who have been laid off as a result of the economic reforms of the past five years, the youth, and all layers of the population who have been hard hit by the increased cost of living, protested openly in the streets for four days. They carried with them the ideals of 1848 A revealing example of the limits of Soviet leader Gorbachev's glasnost— openness-campaign is the manner in which Leon Trotsky is being revived in the Soviet Union.

Trotsky was the founder of the Soviet Red Army. Along with Vladimir Lenin, he was one of the central leaders of the Russian Revolution.

Undoubtedly, the mere fact that the Soviet bureaucracy must acknowledge Trotsky's existence is a hammer-blow to a regime which has hidden and distorted the legacy of this revolutionary leader.

Trotsky, it must be remembered, is not even listed in the official Soviet encyclopedia. The only listing is for "Trotskyism," which is described as a set of "renegade" politics.

But though Trotsky is now acknow -ledged to have existed, his portrayal is straight out of the caricatures and slanders of the Stalinist epoch.

In the play, "The Peace Treaty of Brest-Litovsk," by Mikhail Shatrov-a play written in 1962 but only recently released—Trotsky is depicted as arguing for the policy of waging a revolutionary war against Germany in opposition to Lenin, who argued for signing the humiliating peace treaty. This policy was that of Bukharin and the majority of the Bolshevik Party. (Lenin was in a small minority.)

But this was never Trotsky's position though Stalin persisted in attributing it to him. In his autobiography, "My Life," this is what Trotsky says:

"It was obvious that going on with the war was impossible. On this point, there was not even a shadow of disagreement between Lenin and me. We were both equally bewildered at Bukharin and other apostles of revolutionary war."

Trotsky held a middle position between Lenin and Bukharin; a position of "no war, no peace."

Shatrov then goes on to echo another Stalinist slander against Trotsky when in his play he has Trotsky promise to sign the peace treaty, but then refuse to do so. He has Lenin condemn Trotsky as a traitor.

The truth is far different. Trotsky was still not convinced of Lenin's position. This was a legitimate political difference among revolutionists. But in deference to Lenin he agreed to abstain in a crucial Central Committee vote of the Bolshevik Party, knowing full well that his abstention meant that Lenin's position in favor of signing the peace treaty would win.

This is how Trotsky explained his vote:

"I was very skeptical about the possibility of securing peace even at the price of complete capitulation. But Lenin decided to try the capitulation idea to the utmost. Since he had no majority in the Central Committee, and the decision depended on my vote, I abstained from voting to ensure for him the majority of one vote. I stated this explicitly when I explained my reasons for not voting."

Gorbachev seems to be intent on rehabilitating Nikolai Bukharin, whose economic views more closely parallel his own. In order to do this, however, Gorbachev must deal with the early history of the Bolshevik Party, and for that he can't ignore Trotsky.

But Gorbachev must know that to have Trotsky appear on a Moscow stage-even though most Soviet workers don't go to the theater—is to play with fire. All that he can allow, therefore, is a revived Trotsky-but one who is presented in a Stalinist, slanderous manner.

Trotsky will be restored to his rightful place as one of the great leaders of the world revolutionary movement. But this will be the task of the Soviet workers, who will rediscover Trotsky's legacy in the struggle against all wings of the ruling bureaucracy.—A.B.