Aquino escalates war on Filipino masses

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The May 11 congressional elections mark a key step in the attempt to normalize capitalist democracy in the Philippines.

Three ruling-class slates are jockeying for position. Aquino's ticket, embracing conservative Vice President Salvador Laurel as well as "radical" ex-Labor Minister Bobito Sanchez, expects to win handily. It is opposed by the "Grand Alliance for Democracy" of martial-law architect Juan Ponce Enrile and by a pro-Marcos slate.

Opposed to all three is the Partido ng Bayan (PnB), a formation based on working people who are groping for an alternative to the Aquino government. Yet despite the mass upsurge of the past year, the PnB has only limited support-even if a few of its candidates will probably be elected.

The U.S. shadow Some political factors have remained constant, reheating a pressure cooker that exploded in early 1986. U.S. domination remains unfettered.

Indeed, the recent start of a billion-dollar revamping of U.S. military bases indicates that Washington intends to keep them past the 1991 expiration of the bases treaty. Worried about security, however, the United States has reportedly stationed 4500 more Marines in the Philippines.

Similarly, the $26-billiion debt to mostly U.S. banks remains outstanding. Negotiations to reschedule debt payments have resulted in an agreement under which foreign banks could elect to be paid by taking title to Philippine businesses-thus strengthening their hold over the country.

Meanwhile, the problem which martial law was intended to curb-popular unrest—has hardly subsided. This unrest is directed not only against U.S. exploitation, but also against the failure of the new regime to meet popular demands.

Unresolved demands

Despite 14 months of promises, no real land reform is in sight for the peasants. This is not surprising since the position of the government is that the limited number of land expropriations must be accompanied by compen -sation of landlords.

The Aquino government's attitude was revealed by its reaction to the January army massacre of 18 farmers demanding land. Seven officials were "administratively sanctioned" for allowing the killings, while dem - onstration leader Jaime Tadeo, head of the KMP-Peasant Movement of the Philippines, was charged with sedition.

Meanwhile, demonstrating workers can suffer similar repression from a "reformed" army. A four-day general strike in the Bataan Export Zone called in support of the murdered farmers was smashed, with one person killed.

The level of organization among the working people is qualitatively higher than in the period preceding martial law. Large and militant formations, forged in the antiMarcos struggle, continue to exist and grow. Though sharing the early illusions in Aquino, they have moved more and more into opposition.

Finally, the new government faces the New People's Army (NPA), a guerrilla movement strong in a countryside barely touched by the "February revolution."

The war is resumed With peace talks scuttled, the NPA has resumed its 18year struggle. Aquino's response bluntly declared that "the answer to the terrorism of the left and the right is not social and economic reform but police and military action."

The entire U.S. ruling class has welcomed Aquino's shift to a hard line. While Undersecretary of State Richard Armitage saw this as a ray of hope in an otherwise somber landscape, liberal Congressman Steven Solarz lamented that more U.S. military aid has not been dispensed.

Meanwhile, Newsweek reports that with Aquino's approval, the CIA has launched a $10-million campaign of "underground political activity" directed against the insurgency.

Even the Catholic hierarchy is contributing to Aquino's war effort, clamping down on political activity by priests and nuns in an effort to isolate the militant supporters of the workers' and peasants' organizations.

Illusions are being dashed Events in the year since Aquino took power have clearly shown the anti-working class character of her government. Unfortunately, this was not apparent early on to many on the Philippine left. This realization has come about only haltingly and partially.

Disoriented by an Aquino-led "people power," militant leaders of the mass movements fostered the illusion that the new president could reverse the deteriorating social and economic conditions of the country. Rather than put forward an independent stance in defense of popular interests, these leaders gave critical support to Aquino, emphasizing the presence of liberals in the government and the need resurgence military coup.

The support given to Aquino by the popular leadership put them on the political defensive and contributed to strengthening Aquino's political position. This made it correspondingly more difficult to break working people from illusions in the new president.

Nonetheless, as the antagonisms of Philippine society become sharper, the workers and peasants will see Aquino and the "elite opposition" as the enemies they really are.