Socialist Action (US)

The monthly paper of Socialist Action, San Francisco, 1983–2010

British author studies path of revolution in EI Salvador

Socialist Action, Vol. 4, No. 10, October 1986 · scan pp. 14–15 · Dave Packer · about 1,686 words

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Socialist Action, 3435 Army, Rm. 308, S.F., CA 94110 14 SOCIALIST ACTION OCTOBER 1986 Name Address City Tel.

The Long War, by James Dunkerley, Verso Publishers, Second Edition, 1985, $10.95.

"The Long War" is undoubtedly one of the best Marxist accounts of the history and political economy of El Salvador. The new edition of this now classic work (first published in 1982) includes a lengthy postcript, which brings the analysis up to date.

In "The Long War," Dunkerley focuses on the principal strategic problem that BOOK REVIEW revolutionaries confront in dependent countries during the epoch of imperialism. "The national liberation movement in El Salvador," he writes, "is similar to all other post-war anti-imperialist mobilizations in that it incubates two revolutions: the bourgeois-democratic and the socialist."

There are no real disagreements between the Salvadoran left and the bourgeois opposition on the priority and the objectives of the national-democratic revo -lution.

These objectives, Dunkerley tells us, can be summarized in three main points: (1) a solution to the agrarian question through the abolition of pre-capitalist modes of exploitation; (2) national liberation in the unification of the nation and its economic emancipation from foreign domination; and (3) democracy in a secular republic based on democratic freedoms.

Dunkerley explains, however, that considerable differences do exist over the adequacy of these objectives " to develop EI Salvador...within the capitalist mode of production." He goes on to state that "the one irrefutable lesson of history is that there do not exist in backward capitalist states the social conditions for the full real -ization of a bourgeois-democratic program."

This difference—in reality a difference over the class character of the unfolding revolution-does not revolve around the question of armed struggle as such, but rather around which class leads the revolution and problems of class alliances.

Which class shall lead?

The anti-government forces in El Salvador differ over whether the revolution will be bourgeois or proletarian (with the How зам san help 22051 State Zip Union/Organization . bourgeois-democratic tasks accomplished "in passing").

According to Dunkerley, the aim of the reformist wing of the Revolutionary Democratic Front (FDR), represented by Guillermo Ungo and Ruben Zamora, is one of a "strong reforming state capitalism that will take over the bulk of the economic infrastructure and mediate competition between capitalists in an economically and socially more rational manner than has hitherto been obtained."

For these forces within the FDR (together with the Salvadoran Communist Party), the maintenance of an alliance with the liberal bourgeois parties is of strategic rather than tactical importance for the establishment of a distinct capitalist stage of development.

Dunkerley argues that the 1980 Programmatic Platform of the FDR/FMLN [Revolutionarty Democratic Front/Farabundo Marti National Liberation Front] is a classical radical populist program, a minimum program that, at best, leaves open the class character of the revolution. It is designed to unite the broadest sections of the popular masses in struggle against the regime and its imperialist backers.

Dunkerley explains that since the March 1982 elections in El Salvador, "the policies of the FDR/FMLN underwent significant alteration," and that this shift "also corresponded to a shift in the balance of forces within the popular bloc." It was the reformist wing that benefited from this.

During this period increased attention was given to the possibility of reaching a negotiated settlement with the regime. Dunkerley writes that this "should cause little surprise in itself; such an option was not clearly proscribed by the 1980 Programmatic Platform."

It is, of course, correct and necessary to employ every tactical option in a difficult situation that can give advantage to the popular forces. On the other hand, the approach to these negotiations marked a (continued from page government has also spent more than $600 million to prop up the hated military-civilian government in El Salvador. "After this [U.S.] assistance," states the Sept. 14 New York Times, "the Salvadoran military We need your help reach hundreds of new readers.

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[] 12 months for only $6. significant change in policy objectives.

The new program for a Government of Broad Participation (GAP), Dunkerley writes, "suppressed many of the radical objectives of the FDR's Programmatic Platform of 1980 and, for the first time, outlined terms of ceasefire, negotiation, and the establishment of a government that would include but not be dominated by the popular forces. The document guaranteed the survival of the existing regular army under such a regime...This policy came fully to the fore in the La Palma talks."

FPL: The eye of the storm Throughout 1983, it was becoming clear that the social-democratic current led by Ungo and Zamora had gained political support from the PCS (Communist Party) and forces in the FPL (Popular Liberation Forces, a left-wing split from the PCS which based itself on the Prolonged Popular War strategy). The FPL became the eye of the storm. is larger, better-armed, and more politically savvy than ever."

Behind a façade of "democracy," the government of José Napoleón Duarte has been carrying out bombing raids aimed at terrorizing and depopulating the countryside, where the fighters of the Parabundo Marti National Liberation Forces (FMLN) have wide popular support. In 1985 alone, the government carried out 1081 air and artillery strikes in the rural areas.

Since Duarte came to office in 1984, over 150 trade unionists have either been murdered, tortured, arrested, or fired. Strikes—like the one in April involving 1500 members of the Union of Telecommunications Workers (ASTTEL) -have been declared illegal and the Salvadoran army brought in to militarize work sites and take over strategic operational positions.

Of the 60,000 Salvadoran civilians murdered in the last six years by government security forces and the death squads aligned with them, not a single Salvadoran military officer or soldier ha been brought to trial.

The policy of the U.S. government is a policy of state terror against the working people of Central America.

At home, the attacks on working people have also escalated. Poverty, unemploy -ment, union-busting, cutbacks in social programs, and homelessness are on the rise. Money that could be spent to meet human needs is being used to finance the U.S. government's dirty wars.

On Oct. 25, tens of thousands of people will be marching in Washington, D.C., Chicago, Boston, San Francisco, Los Dunkerley writes, "For the outside world this crisis, hitherto unknown or only vaguely perceived, came to a head in April 1983 with the murder of the organization's second-in-command, "Ana Maria" (Melida Anaya Montes), and the suicide of its commander "Marcial" (Salvador Cayetano Carpio)."

Dunkerley makes a qualified and guarded attempt to disentangle these tragic deaths. He situates these events in the political context of the time, in particular the revision of the 1980 Programmatic Platform.

Dunkerley quotes approvingly from an article written by revolutionary journalist Adolfo Gilly in the Mexican periodical Nexos, which describes the FDR/FMLN's proposal for a Government of Broad Participation in the following terms:

"A program of a revolutionary and democratic government, of radical reforms and the transition to socialism has been substituted by a program of class collabo -ration over a long period, of moderate reforms that do not exceed the proposals of the christian democracy and of the reformist military junta of 1979 or indeed the limits of the bourgeois republic."

Least surprising, perhaps, is the role of the PCS in the change in policy. Dunkerley writes:

"The party [the PCS] had not ditched its popular-front policies in the spring of 1980 but had simply been obliged to reformulate them within the strategy of armed struggle.

"[Its] contacts with Cuba and the Soviet Union as well as its historic ties through the UDN [National Democratic Unity] to the social democrats and Christiandemocratic dissidents gave it a unique position within the popular bloc. Radical -ized in terms of methods, it had not significantly altered its long-term strategy."

Dunkerley's book makes an important contribution to the on-going discussion about the character of the Salvadoran revolution. It is essential reading for all those interested in the struggles of the Central American workers and peasants.

This is an edited and abridged version of a review that first appeared in the November|December 1985 issue of International, a magazine published by supporters of the Fourth International in Great Britain.

Angeles and other U.S. cities in opposition to U.S. intervention in Central America and to U.S. support to apartheid in South Africa. They will be marching for peace, jobs, and justice.

Oct. 25 will be an opportunity to show the warmakers in both the Democratic and Republican parties that sentiment in this country is widespread against the govern -ment's policies of war and austerity.

Oct. 25, moreover, will be a time to lay the groundwork for massive nationally coordinated anti-intervention demonstra -tions in the spring of 1987 in Washington, D.C., and San Francisco.

Big opportunities exist to broaden out beyond the traditional peace and solidarity organizations and to involve the trade unions, churches, and student organizations in a powerful movement in the streets against the U.S. war in Central America. This is the task ahead in the coming weeks and months.-The Editors SAN FRANCISCO Banquet and rally to wind up vIvia Weinstein's campaign fr Board of Supervisors.

Music and dancing.

Sat. evening, Nov.

3435 Army, Rm. 308, S.F. (415) 821-0458 Post Office Box 404830 , NY 11240•4830 IMPA 855-2140 ISUAi LS Affordable photos, cartoons, caricatures and illustrations for the movement and the progressive press

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SWP's victory. It is a gain for all those who are involved in struggle against the American capitalist ruling class It is a relatively small victory, however, when weighed against the tasks yet to be accomplished. The spying and disruptive tactics will not cease. The government is determined to stop socialist ideas from acquiring influence in the struggles of Blacks, workers, and other and its government agencies.

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ACTION Mass picketing can win! All labor must beat back scabs, National Guard

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