Mass picketing can

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Support committee delivers food to striking P-9 workers.

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Hormel was able to run two lines: a spam line and a bacon line.

Finally, after the P-9 workers twice voted in January to refuse the company's contract proposal, the company made an announcement that it was going to reopen the plant on Jan. 13.

And sure enough, on Jan. 13 the company opened its doors, but few scabs showed up to work. Then the company announced it was hiring replacements for the striking workers. It gave the strikers a two-week ultimatum to return to work on the company's terms or permanently lose their jobs. The workers continued to stand firm.

But by the end of that week, many more scabs and new hires were entering the plant. The union had agreed to abide by a restraining order limiting to three the number of pickets at each of the plant's gates. But this had not kept out the scabs. It was obvious something else was needed.

At a membership meeting on Sunday, Jan. 19, the P-9 strikers themselves realized that the scabs had to be stopped. So they decided to implement their "fighting from their cars" tactic, which meant blocking the plant gates with their cars to prevent the scabs from entering.

On Jan. 20 this tactic proved effective. For the first time in months, the plant was shut down. Nobody could get into the plant. Towing-trucks companies within a radius of 50 miles from Austin were unwilling to move the strikers' cars. The workers were exercising their democratic right to carry out an effective picket line. And they were determined not to allow the use of scabs to break their strike.

But the Hormel company didn't wait long to react. It called on Gov. Perpich to come to its rescue by calling out the National The packinghouse workers in Austin, Minn., have been on strike since Aug. 14, 1985, when they rejected the Geo. A. Hormel & Co.'s proposal to cut wages and break the union.

Soon after the strike began, union activists and leaders in the Twin Cities area formed the Metro P-9 Support Committee. The purpose of this committee was to mobilize the rest of the labor movement in the Twin Cities behind the P-9 strikers.

The support committee has the official sanction of the P-9 local. Elected officials of the local attend the meetings of the support committee to give updates on the strike and to help orient the committee's work.

I was elected chairman of the food com -LOUR Guard against the "unruly" strikers. And "friend of labor" Perpich, according to his own aides, did not agonize one minute over this decision. Within hours the first 500 guardsmen were on their way to Austin.

Roving picket lines

From the very beginning, the P-9 strikers were up against a determined enemy. The Hormel company was outraged that Local P-9 dare interfere with its right to squeeze the workers more to increase its already hefty profits.

A serious response by the entire UFCW union was called for to fend off and beat back this company's attacks. While the UFCW international sanctioned the strike and provided some strike funds to the P-9 members ($65 per week during the first six weeks and then only $40 per week), its real role throughout the strike was totally shameful.

The international union leadership, beginning with President William H. Wynn, did their best to attempt to isolate the strike. On Dec. 3 they sent all AFL-CIO affiliates nationwide a letter which stated that the fight of the P-9 members had caused UFCW members great "pain, disunity, and disruption."

On Oct. 19 the P-9 strikers agreed that they should urge walkouts at as many other Hormel plants as possible to make the company feel the pinch of the strike. Another blow to P-9 resulted from the UFCW leadership's refusal to sanction the roving P-9 pickets to other Hormel plants. mittee. Our job has been to rally aid—mainly food and money-to the strik -ers.

From the very beginning, the response we got from the labor movement was tremendous. On Sept. 1, in the first food caravan we put together, we were able to fill a 45-foot semitrailer from front to back with about 15 tons of food. As we got into Austin, our 25 to 30 cars were joined by 50 motorcyclists who led us into town.

The enthusiasm of the strikers was overwhelming. As we rolled down the street we actually saw tears in the eyes of the workers. They were excited to see people from outside the community coming to support them.

This successful caravan also lit a fire Jake BETWEE A ROCH AND A HARD PLACE "HORMEL Without the UFCW international's sanction of the roving pickets, the P-9 members said, the other Hormel workers would be left defenseless against the company's threats to fire those who honored the picket lines.

The Hormel locals in Ottumwa, Iowa, and Fremont, Neb., also unsuccessfully demanded that the international union endorse the roving pickets and call for a boycott of all Hormel products.

Allan Zack, a UFCW international spokesman, answered the local mem -bership. In order to avoid "the potential legal and economic ramifications" of a under the rest of the labor move -ment—particularly under Region 13 of the United Food and Commercial Workers union (UFCW). It made them think that they, too, must do something.

The strategy of the support committee in the second caravan, which was organized on Oct. 19, was multifold. We had to tie the labor movement closer to the work of our committee. In particular we had to seek the assistance of the UFCW international through Region 13.

AUSTIN OPTICA

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100D LALANAN LABOR An

MORE FAREA 2 Supplement February 1986