[but was reverting to a nihilistic Buddhist philosophy…]

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but was reverting to a nihilistic Buddhist philosophy that "destruction... was valu -able in itself." Salisbury expects Deng Xiaoping to correct Mao's aberration and to lead China on a new "Long March" to a new utopian era in Chinese history. At the book's end one can almost hear the violins playing.

Major shortcomings

This book, to its credit, is certainly sympathetic to Chinese aspirations to create a socialist society. It recounts the destructive influence of foreign capitalism and the feudal rule of provincial warlords who dominated China until 1949.

Salisbury also describes how the Chinese Red Army gained sympathy and support from the peasants by paying their way (they had stolen gold) and redistributing land and resources as they passed through remote provinces. They did not rape and loot as the KMT armies did.

However, there are several major shortcomings in Salisbury's account that must be addressed.

"The Long March" lacks any cohesive indicates that Mao, despite minor differ -ences (mostly in strategic military matters), accepted and endorsed Stalinist Comintern policy.

Dissolution into Kuomintang In July 1922 the Comintern, led by Stalin, Zinoviev, and Bukharin, ordered Chinese Communist Party (CCP) mem -bers to join the KMT, in their opinion the only "serious" nationalistic revolutionary group. The CCP members were instructed to join as individuals. The CCP was therefore essentially dissolved and the members placed under the control of the KMT.

In the Comintern only the Left Opposition led by Trotsky dissented. Mao is quoted in "Leon Trotsky on China" (Pathfinder Press, 1976) as an advocate and promoter of the Comintern's policy. Mao states directly that the hope of the revolution lies with the "merchants."

It is evident, then, that Mao recognized that the KMT was a bourgeois party and that the CCP should subordinate itself to the KMT leadership. (The Left Opposition advocated united-front actions with the (continued from page 16: “Can Philippine opposition defeat U.S.-Marcos alliance?”) combat "the tendency of the indigenous ruling classes to make compromises with foreign capital directed against the fundamental interests of the mass of the people (Theses on the Eastern Question).

In this way, the liberals and reformists could be outflanked and exposed. And as a corrolary, the masses would learn to rely only on themselves and understand the need to establish an anti-capitalist government of workers and peasants.

Indeed, solving the fundamental problems of Philippine society-land reform, political democracy, an end to foreign domination—is actually bound up with the first steps of an anti-capitalist revolution against a ruling class that will attempt to block any substantial attempt to accomplish these goals.

Genuine democracy, for example, will require Marcos' overthrow, the disbandonment of the army and police, and new forms of government based on the Raising the standard of living of the workers and poor of city and country will require the radical reorientation of the economy to produce for people, not profits, and the redistribution of income.

The only regime capable of tackling these problems will be one representing and defending the interests of the majority, a workers and peasants government basing itself on the mobilization of these classes.

But, like all of the countries of the underdeveloped world, the Philippine revolution can fully solve the problems of the country only if the revolution extends elsewhere, most particularly to the industrialized capitalist countries.

The Filipino workers and peasants have shown in struggle their capacity for overthrowing the old society and erecting one dedicated to serving the needs of the majority. That struggle has brought the Marcos regime to the brink of its downfall and brought deep unease to the U.S. government. Hopefully, the Filipino people will put forward a leadership capable of carrying their struggle through to its socialist conclusion.

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Only the medical conglomerate had the resources—ultimately, the capital—to make the transition from in-patient to out-patient care, and from exclusively hospital acute care medicine to nursing home, psychiatric, sports, and other medical enterprises.

The little community hospitals now either had to become part of the new competitive medical system or If some of the local voluntary hospitals only show the first signs of pressure toward corporate competition, were not enough patients to pay the bills.