Martin Luther King apartheid in South Africa

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In this period when the American Negro ment in the United States has derived is giving moral leadership and inspiration immense inspiration from the successful to his own nation, he must find the struggles of those Africans who have resources to aid his suffering brothers in attained freedom in their own nations.

The following are excerpts from a statement made by Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. on Dec. 10, 1965, at a meeting at Hunter College in New York City.

On South Africa's government:

The South African government, to make the white supreme, has had to reach into the past and revive the nightmarish ideology and practices of nazism. We are witnessing a recrudescence of the bar -barism which murdered more humans than any war in history.

In South Africa today, all opposition to white supremacy is condemned as communism, and in its name, due process is destroyed; a medieval segregation is organized with 20th century efficiency and drive; a sophisticated form of slavery is imposed by a minority upon a majority which is kept in grinding poverty; the dignity of human personality is defiled; and world opinion is arrogantly defied. On the U.S. role:

We are immediately struck by the fact that the United States moved with strikingly different energy when it reached a dubious conclusion that our interests were threatened in the Dominican Black America (continued from page 1: “U.S. Blacks: Poor, losing ground”)

14.5% of Blacks were unemployed, com -pared to 7.6% of white workers (almost double). At the end of 1984, 16% of Blacks and 6.5% of whites were un -employed (more than double).

The Urban League estimates that close to 33% of the Black workforce suffered from unemployment during the first three quarters of 1983. This estimate includes those Black workers who have low-paying, part-time jobs because they could not find full-time work and those who have become discouraged and stopped looking for work. The reality today is not appreciably different.

For the Black family the results have been catastrophic. The lack of employ -ment opportunities and the misery of poverty have been directly responsible for the disintegration of the two-parent Black family. In 1960, 22.4% of Black families were headed by women. By 1983, this figure had increased to 42%.

This means that although undeniable economic progress was made by the twoparent Black family over the last 30 years, usually with the husband and wife both working, the family unit that is increasing the fastest is single female-headed households-the poorest of all family units.

In 1983, the median income for Black female-headed households was just a little more than half that of white female-headed households ($7,999 compared to $13,761). The poverty line for a family of four in 1981 was $9,287. Thus the majority of Black female-headed households lived in poverty.

Black youth

The unemployment rates for Black teenagers today are far worse than 30 years ago. In 1983 the unemployment rate for Black male teenagers was a staggering 42.7%, compared to 18.3% for white male teenagers. In 1955 the rate was 12.9% unemployment for Black male teenagers and 10.4% for whites.

Black female teenagers faced a 56.1% unemployment rate, compared to 14.9% for whites in 1983. The ratio in 1955 was 4 SOCIALIST ACTIO Republic. We inundated that small nation with overwhelming force, shocking the world with our zealousness and naked power.

With respect to South Africa, however, our protest is so muted and peripheral it merely mildly disturbs the sensibilities of the segregationists, while our trade and investments substantially stimulate their economy to greater heights.

We pat them on the wrist in permitting racially mixed receptions in our Embassy and by exhibiting films depicting Negro artists. But we give them massive support through American investments in motor and rubber industries, by extending some $40 million in loans through our most distinguished banking and financial institutions, by purchasing gold and other minerals mined by Black slave labor, by giving them a sugar quota, by maintaining three tracking stations there, and by providing them with the prestige of a nuclear reactor built with our technical cooperation and fueled with refined uranium supplied by us.

On Black Americans and Africa:

For the American Negro there is a special relationship with Africa. It is the land of his origin. It was despoiled by invaders; its culture was arrested and con -cealed to justify white supremacy. The American Negro's ancestors were not only driven into slavery, but their links with their past were severed so that their 21.4% versus 7.7% respectively. Overall, Black teenage unemployment has tripled!

The U.S. capitalist system offers very few options to Black youth today. In many cases the choice is either joining the Armed Forces or ending up in prison.

The statistics of racism and misery also extend to the wombs of Black mothers. According to Public Advocates, a research law firm, the Black infant-mortality rate was 91% higher than that of whites.

Bosses profit from racism Black America is being ravaged by capitalist America. Far from being the policy of just a single individual who happens to occupy the White House, the severity of the current attacks against Black economic and political rights has been determined by two decisive factors.

First are the needs of the capitalists. In order to increase their rate of profit they must drive down the standard of living of all American workers and their families. Blacks have taken the brunt of this attack because of the historical legacy of racism and the inequality they face as an oppressed nationality.

These attacks will continue and RECESSION UNEMPLOYMENT RECOVERY UNEMPLOYMENT JANUARY 1986 servitude might be psychological as physical.

Police dogs attack Birmingham, Ala., Ala., 1956.)

intensify because the private-profit cannot prosper otherwise. Democratic and Republican party nistrations have led this attack t they defend and administer the Ci system.

The second decisive factor response of the Black community. gains that are noW attack-affirmative action, school regation, equal housing, ana joo opportunities-were won by the Black community through mass mobilizations and protests independent of the Republicans and Democrats.

The civil rights struggles of the 1960s won the support of the majority of the population because of the militancy of Blacks and the moral authority of their struggle for justice. Getting these protests off the streets was the goal of the Democratic party.

The degree to which mass actions for Black rights have been taken off the streets and channeled into the Democratic Party can be measured by the increased attacks on the gains of the 1960s.

In 1970, after a decade of struggle even took the form of rebellions in demonstrators led by 1963. (Above, Rev.

system Both admi -lecause pitalist is the All the under deseg -that the his ancestral homeland. Nor is this aid a one-way street. The civil rights move -Martin Luther King in King arrested in Montgomery, urban ghettos, Blacks came closest to narrowing the gap in the median income between themselves and whites. The rate that year was 62%, and it has been downhill ever since. Today the gap in median income is back to what it was in 1955—55%!

Democrats derail struggle

At a time when there are over 300 Black elected officials, including mayors of major cities, Black America finds itself being pushed back to 1955.

Many Black leaders today—like Jesse Jackson—are seeking through the Rain -bow Coalition to register Blacks into the Democratic Party. This self-defeating strategy has resulted in the demoralization and disorganization of a powerful social force: the struggle for Black liberation.

Malcolm X, who like Martin Luther King, was assassinated because of his uncompromising struggle for Black rights, made it clear that Blacks will only make progress through self-organization and political independence.

At a speech to the founding rally of the Organization of Afro-American Unity in June 1964, Malcolm X explained why Blacks should reject both the Democratic and Republican parties: "We won't organize any Black man to be a Democrat or a Republican," he said, "because both parties have sold us out. Both parties are racist, and the Democratic Party is more racist than the Republican Party."

Malcolm's words ring true The Black majority of South Africa has a shared heritage with the Black civil rights struggle in the United States. Many of the tactics used currently by South African Blacks, like boycotts of white businesses, sit-downs, mass marches, calls for solidarity, bringing international pressure to bear, were used in the struggle here.

These lessons will come back home. If statistics are any indicator, the Black community is a revolutionary powder keg. No other segment of society has less of a stake in the status quo.

Combined with the struggle of all workers and oppressed people for social justice, Black working people-who are the overwhelming majority of Black America-will play a leading and decisive role.

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By MILES S. RICHARDS It has been 30 years since the great Montgomery bus boycottone of the most significant events in the history of the civil rights movement.

Much attention has been accorded to the roles of Rosa Parks and the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. in this important story. But few recall the singular part played by E. D. Nixon, a longtime Black activist in Montgomery. He was the only person at the time of Park's arrest to accurately assess the full potential of the situation.

For the first five decades of the 20th century, Montgomery, Ala., had been a bastion of segregation. The white power structure, with auxiliary aid from both the city police force and the Ku Klux Klan, had ruthlessly quashed all opposition from the Black community.

The Black leadership (mostly clergy) was fragmented and indecisive. Citing commu -nity apathy, they preferred to sit tight until Passenger alone in bus during 1956 Montgomery boycott. the times got better. E. D. Nixon was one leader, though, who refused to accept the do-nothing approach.

Nixon was not typical of many of his Montgomery contemporaries. He had been (for 20 years) a field organizer for the Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters. His labor record made him suspect to some of his peers, but it had given him solid national contacts.

Veteran observers have noted that E. D. Nixon had been the driving force behind anti-segregation agitation in Montgomery for 25 years when the bus boycott began in 1955. Besides founding the local chapter of the National Association for the Advance -ment of Colored People (NAACP), he had spearheaded several moderately successful voter registration drives in that part of Alabama.

For his efforts he received several beat -ings at the hands of white thugs, usually abetted by off-duty policemen. His house was bombed, and the Klan planted burning crosses in his yard on numerous occasions. Despite constant death threats, E. D. Nixon refused to desist.

A notable ally was Rosa Parks, the longtime secretary of the Montgomery NAACP. On Dec. 2, 1955, Parks impul -sively refused to relinquish her city bus seat to a white man and join her "fellow Negroes" in the back, as was customary. Parks was arrested for disturbing the peace and violating a city bus segregation ordi -nance of longstanding. Nixon went down to bail her out. At that point an idea dawned.

Rosa was of solid reputation and therefore, a perfect test case. They scorned a police offer to drop the charges if they left quietly. Nixon decided it was time to test "Jim Crow justice" in court.

Both Parks and Nixon began to mobilize support for a possible Black boycott of the Montgomery city bus system. This was to compliment the legal work required in Parks' test case, which ultimately went to the U. S. Supreme Court.

Nixon quickly called many of his fellow activists—mostly clergy. He also called the then 26-year old Rev. Martin Luther King Jr., a comparative newcomer to Montgomery.

Despite an initial reluctance to get involved in the struggle, King agreed to participate. An initial community meeting was held at King's Dexter Avenue Baptist Church on Dec. S. At this meeting, the Montgomery Improvement Association was created.

Most participants, including the Rev. Ralph Abernathy, were prepared to elect Nixon to this organization's presidency. However, he declined to run, and to every one's astonishment, he nominated Rev. King to that post.

Nixon sensed King was a charismatic figure and a brilliant speaker. He was erudite, college trained, and personally above reproach. It was not easy for white politicos to target him for a slander campaign. Subsequent events during the next year underscored Nixon's judgement.

An organizer and teacher Actually, E. D. Nixon wanted the job of treasurer. His national labor contacts were to prove useful to the cause by supplying needed money and support. A. Philip Randolph and the Reuther brothers (Walter and Victor) proved most supportive on both counts.

Nixon managed to raise $400,000 during the nearly year-long struggle. Nixon also proved invaluable in keeping a tight leash on young hotheads who sought violent street confrontations with white opponents.

The white racists fought back with every weapon they possessed. This ranged from court injunctions to Klan "night rides." But the Black community of Montgomery never wavered in its support of the bus boycott.

By November 1956, the U.S. Supreme Court had declared the segregation ordinance of Montgomery unconstitutional-based upon Parks' appeal of her conviction. On Dec. 21, 1956, Nixon and King boarded a city bus to symbolize the end of their victorious struggle.

In later years, King and Parks received Walking home in support of 1956 Montgomery bus boycott.

great acclaim. The former, of course, became perhaps the best-known national Black leader. But E. D. Nixon was shunted to the background. He remained in Montgomery to pursue both his union and civil rights work. Although King always gave him his due-most other observers pre -ferred only to highlight King's role at Montgomery.

Eventually, most chroniclers overlooked Nixon's contributions altogether. In 1980, at the 25th anniversary celebration of the event in Montgomery, Nixon was not even invited to participate.

Today, E. D. Nixon is 86 years old and resides with a married daughter in Montgomery. Despite his lack of recognition, about which he is basically philosophical, he will be remembered in history for his vital contribution to the birth of the civil rights movement.