A war against the people

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In February 1979, the people of Iran overthrew the widely despised Shah. The insurrection which toppled the Shah had been preceded by massive mobilizations Nine months later, Iranian students captured the American Embassy in Teheran. During the next several months, massive mobilizations against imperialism occurred in Iran. Takeovers and attempted takeovers of embassies took place around the world. Although Khomeini tried to demobilize the workers after the In September 1980, Iraq's Saddam Hussein began to fear the spread of revolution across his border. Using the pretext of a border dispute, he ordered an invasion The United States was hardly opposed to this scheme. Although they were not a supporter of Hussein-who at that time was getting arms from the Soviet Union and was a foe of Israel-the destabilization of the region caused by the war would be to the imperialists' advantage. And the longer the war lasted, the harder it would However, by July 1982, the situation had changed. Iran had launched a counter-attack with the goal of overthrowing Saddam Hussein and exacting huge war reparations from Iraq. Iran refused to discuss any peace proposals from Iraq.

This counterattack by Iran signaled a new stage in the war. The war was no longer a defense of the Iranian Revolution. Instead, it was becoming a war which For the last three years, the war has been at a stalemate. And the longer it has lasted, the more barbaric it has become. Iran uses human waves of young boys against Iraqi artillery and minefields. Iraq uses poison gas. Both sides have resorted to widespread use of bombing civilian targets. The number of casualties on both Both governments gambled on the war and cracked down on internal dissension. Both sides increased their attacks against the Kurdish people fighting within both Iran and Iraq for their own freedom. Both sides turned toward imperialism for increased military aid. Taxes were increased, food became more scarce. Inflation As a result, neither side can afford to end the war until its own regime is stabilized. Yet the economic and political crises caused by the war make this stabilization of the regimes even more difficult. The only options facing the regimes is increased aid from imperialism and increased repression against their own people.

Workers and peasants of Iran and Iraq have nothing to gain by continuing this war. The only victory for them is the overthrow of both Saddam Hussein and the Islamic Republic Party of Iran-not through a foreign army-but through the Socialist Action: When were you drafted into the Iranian Army?

Ebraheem: 1 was drafted in 1982. In Iran, all men must register and serve in the army for two years when they reach age 18. The government came after me three times before I registered. By that time I was 20.

S.A.: What happened after you were drafted?

Ebraheem: I spent three months in training close to Zahedan (south of Mashad). After that, I went to the front. I was at the front for almost 11 months. I was part of a search group that was responsible for locating and identifying mine fields.

One night, while on a search, another soldier and I got ahead of the rest of the group. Suddenly there was a flare over us and we realized that we were surrounded. At this point we decided to hide our weapons, and gave ourselves up as refugees.

S.A.: Why did you want to turn yourself in as a refugee, and not as a prisoner of war?

Ebraheem: Iraq has a radio station which has a lot of propaganda oriented toward Iranians. They made great promises to Iranians who flee Iran and take refuge in Iraq. We were also led to believe that Iranian POW's live in terrible conditions.

S.A.: How long were you held captive, and did Iraq fulfill its promises?

Ebraheem: For 13 months. At first refugees are treated well in the hope that they will denounce the Khomeini regime and talk about how good it is in Iraq. But after that they neglect you and the conditions get bad. Three hundred people might be crowded into a room the secured our release.

S.A.: Do the Iraqis torture prisoners?

Ebraheem: It is very common among the prisoners of war. They would whip them on the back sometimes 70 or 80 times a day. Although I was classified a refugee, for one month I was beaten 60 times a day. They also burned the back of my hands with cigarettes.

S.A.: Let's go back to Iran. Is there much of a difference between the regular Iranian Army and the volunteer units such as the Pasdaran and Baseej?

Ebraheem: The Pasdaran are the Revolutionary Guards. The minimum The aid they age for the Pasdaran is 19 and they receive three months training. The Baseej is the volunteer army. The minimum age for the Baseej is 14, and they only receive 15 days training.

Both of these units do most of the fighting in the war. They are the ones who sacrifice their lives and get killed.

The army is made up of draftees and professional officers. They provide the planning and the support for the volunteer units.

S.A.: Why do people volunteer for the Pasdaran and Baseej?

Ebraheem: In Iran there is close to 50 percent unemployment. People join the Pasdaran not necessarily because they like the regime but because they need the money and they get special privileges. The same is true with the Baseej. Some of these people come from the unemployed. But most are from the lumpen elements.

S.A.: What about the reports of poison gas being used by Iraq?

Ebraheem: In the fighting over Majnun Island, 1 know that Iraq used chemical weapons against Iran, killing and strikes by Iranian workers.

revolution, he was only partly successful.

of Iran.

be to advance the Iranian Revolution.

The people of Iran realized that the war mobilized against the invasion. They had no nation of their country again.

both sides were afraid to end.

sides is staggering.

increased while wages began to decrease. hands of their own workers and peasants. was an attack on their revolution and intention of allowing imperialist domi...South Africa struggles

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(continued from page Students in an attempt to stop "national week of protest" initiated by the Black organization.

The student protest was called to back demands for the withdrawal of troops from Black townships, an end to the state of emergency in effect since July 20, and the release of jailed students.

On Aug. 28 police tear-gassed protestors at the predominantly white University of Cape Town as students unfurled portraits of imprisoned African National Congress leader Nelson Mandela. The students responded by pelting the police with stones.

The students held a rally at the university when it became clear that the police would not allow them to join a planned march to Pollsmoor prison to demand Mandela's release. Police also attacked a group of 1500 students and several priests at the Hewitt Teacher Training College and another group of demonstrators at the University of the Western Cape-which is set aside for mixed-race students.

On Aug. 29, according to local teachers, police fired indiscriminately at high school students returning from a protest march in Manenburg, a suburb for people of mixed races near Capetown. Dozens were killed or wounded in the Capetown area during the bloodiest police riots in more than five months.

Police earlier arrested close to 1000 children-some as young as six-in a crackdown on school boycotts in the Soweto area. Armored personnel carriers descended on schoolyards to beat and round up children who had violated the state of emergency by "loitering."

Trade unions challenge racist state Anti-apartheid protest has entered a new phase as Black trade unions— spearheaded by the mineworkers— increasingly join student and commularly vulnerable to a strike of the n ineworkers at this time as it tries to wea ther its worst economic crisis in 50 years and an unprecedented flight of capital out of the country.

Economic crisis batters regime Last year, capitalists-alarmed by their diminished ability to rake in superprofits—withdrew about $2.1 billion from South Africa for less risky investments abroad. Foreign banks cut their loans to the country by 11.3 percent. The mineworkers' strike will further shackle the government's ability to obtain international credit.

"U.S. firms can't escape the general level of unrest," a U.S. specialist on South African labor affairs told BusiWE STAND READY TO DISCUSS CHANGES IN THE APARTHEID SYSTEM BOTHA THE ARMED FORCES, THE EDUCATIONAL SYSTEM, THE ECONOMY AND THE POLITICAL PROCESS ness Week. More than 350 U.S. corporations operate in South Africa, but over 30 have withdrawn from the country since 1980. Others-such as Ford Motor Co. and Coca Cola-have cut their operations sharply.

The slogan "Black majority rule" must cause U.S. business executives, who hope to retain their profits based on cheap Black labor, to shiver in their boots. Furthermore, they are undoubtedly aware that some mass-based antiWE ONLY INSIST THAT WHITES MA NTAIN CONTROL OFi THE JUDICIARY, THE : POLICE...

WASSERMAN TE BOT SEE EVERY NEGOT apartheid forces-notably the National Forum and the Azanian People's Organization (AZAPO)—have pointed out that capitalism itself must be replaced.

U.S. suggests compromise

The Reagan administration has tried to head off a larger explosion-just in case—by opting for the idea of "discussions" between the apartheid government and moderate Black leaders that could lead to some form of "powersharing."

In fact, White House officials felt it necessary to echo several quisling Black leaders who criticized South African President P.W. Botha when he failed to include power-sharing among "promised" changes in a policy-making speech before the Natal Provincial Congress of the National Party on Aug. 15.

Botha has given priority, instead, to shoring up his own stature among an increasingly anxious core of racist whites. "Reform does not come overnight," he told a meeting of National Party youth on Aug. 23. "We shall not be stampeded into a situation of panic."

For their part, Black moderates such as Bishop Desmond Tutu and other church leaders have found it impossible to attempt to negotiate with the Botha regime and still maintain their credibility with the Black masses. Tutu observed, "l am the marginal man between two forces [reaction and revo: lution-M.S.] and possibly I will be crushed."

Time is running out for the strategy of moderation, which would ultimately sidetrack the rebellion in South Africa. But the United States is prepared to back the apartheid rulers to the end rather than hand over power to a radicalized Black majority.

As a showdown looms in South Africa, a series of massive actions by anti-apartheid foes in the United States to block any U.S. imperialist intervention becomes ever more crucial.

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"Anti-apartheid protest enters a new phase."