Anthony Mazzocchi: 'Labor needs own political party'

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The following is an interview with Anthony Mazzocchi, director of the New York-based Workers' Policy Project. Mazzocchi is a former international vice president of the Oil, Chemical and Atomic Workers International Union. He was a leader of that union's work in the area of occupational safety and health and was active in the anti-Vietnam War movement. The interview was conducted by Alan Benjamin.

Socialist Action: What is the Workers' Policy Project and what sort of work is it involved in?

Anthony Mazzocchi: The Workers' Policy Project was founded as a think tank and as an activist, educational organization partisan to the interests of working people. Our projects range from economic educational projects to assisting groups of workers in various struggles. We are also committed to helping form a new political instrument based on a working-class program.

S.A.: You were instrumental in the enactment of the Occupational Safety and Health Act (OSHA) a number of years ago. What does the occupational safety and health picture look like today, and what is the labor movement doing on this issue?

Mazzocchi: The overall situation for workers today is one of increasing deteRon Weisen (continued from page 9: “'We can put a halt to concessions'”) years ago about the use of eminent domain and the idea of the public authority. He said he didn't want anything to do with it. "That's socialism,, he said. Now they're involved in the TriState Conference trying to save Big Dorothy [blast furnace at U.S. Steel Duquesne Works slated for shutdown]. It's a little late, but it's about time.

S.A.: What can be done to stop plants like Duquesne Works from closing?

Weisen: If the steel companies won't make the steel America needs, then the American people must find a different way. Local 1397 and the Tri-State Conference on Steel propose a TennesseeValley-Authority-type approach to the steel industry.

At least $3 trillion need to be spent over this decade to bring our nation's infrastructure up to standards. Every million dollars spent on infrastructure requires 100,000 tons of steel. In the TriState region alone, at least 8 million tons of steel will be needed just to repair the roads and bridges.

The federal government should take ultimate responsibility for financing and backing such an Authority. Unlike the TVA, the SVA [Steel Valley Authority] should be locally controlled with a board made up of worker, community, and local government representatives. New management should be appointed by and responsible to this board.

Of course, greedy corporations like U.S. Steel will never voluntarily sell its facilities to such an Authority—not when they get big tax write-offs from shutdowns. Eminent domain has been used to preserve forests and endangered wildlife. Why shouldn't it be used to save our jobs and the steel industry?

S. A.: The International claims that the future direction of the union is in non-adversarial relations. Do you think they're serious about their corporate campaign or do you think it's a substitute for picket-line activity and building solidarity?

Weisen: They'll rioration of health and safety conditions. There have not been any innovations of significance since the passage of OSHA.

We are calling on all workers to push the "Right to Act."

This in effect is a call to deputize someone in the workplace to be an environmental ombudsman. This person would have access to any and all data the company has in its possession and ity. When Abel [ex-international president of the USWA] brought in the ENA [Experimental Negotiating Agreement], it was the death of our union, because if you don't have the right to strike, you don't have a union. [The right to strike at the expiration of the basic-steel agreement was given up in exchange for cost-of-living and guaranteed annual wage down there to protect big business."

company so long they should file for maternity benefits.

At a recent meeting in Clearwater, Fla., local [USWA] presidents told horror stories for six hours. They have laborers at Gary and South Works working for $3.85 an hour. In 1981 over 23,000 people worked at Gary; they're down to 3700 today.

Last month 600 union presidents met in Washington, D.C. There was a big sign behind the podium; "Solidarity in Steel."

I said to them, "Why don't you rip that sign down because you don't stand for it, you're still pitting one plant against the other."

I said, "The company does anything it wants. It's steamrolling right over us because of the concessions package you and these presidents okayed."

"We can stop the concessions,, I said. "All we do when we give concessions is subsidize our future shutdown."

S.A.: Why were you arrested?

Weisen: We took on Mellon Bank. That really shook up Pittsburgh. We went to the Shadyside Presbyterian Church in East Liberty. Thomas Graham is a trustee there. He's also a director of Mellon Bank and an assistant to Roderick at U.S. Steel. This church has $7 million in an endowment fund while people are starving in Pittsburgh.

We dressed as bishops and went to St. Paul's Cathedral where all the Catholic corporate wheels go. We said Melwould have the legal authority to act on that information-to stop any dangerous processes. This ombudsman would be absolutely secure against retaliation.

Many unions have been forced to cut back on their health and safety efforts.

The general attack on unions by management and the reduction of commitment on the part of OSHA are creating conditions that, we think, will cause an increase in workers' accidents and discase.

S.A.: One of the themes of the April 20 national demonstrations is "Money for Jobs, Not for War."

What in your opinion is the state of the labor movement in the wake of the Reagan re-election?

Mazzocchi: The labor movement is in need of a complete overhaul. The struc0000)

sit:

Ion Bank controls the bishops. Money controls all the bishops. I don't care what denomination it is.

We went to Youngstown wearing gangster uniforms and carrying violin cases. Reporters asked, "Why are you dressed that way? Are you implying DeBartolo's a gangster?" I said, "Bowie Kuhn, the commissioner of baseball, made that statement."

S. A.: How do you view Labor Management Participation Teams? [A program in the 1980 basic-steel agreement to set up joint labor-management groups to consider quality of work life, productivity, cost savings, and similar non-contractual issues.] Weisen: The pilot program for LMPT was in Aliquippa, Pa. When the LMPT program started in 1981, there were 12,000 workers there. Only 1000 are left. Any time the company institutes a program, it's to benefit the company and screw the workers. LMPT is another name for job elimination.

S.A.: Some people claim the U.S. worker has lost power, industry is decapitalizing, and there's really nothing that can be done to turn around the situation.

Weisen: could Ken Morgan (continued from page 9: “'We can put a halt to concessions'”) this perspective. Some people want to take the anti-imperialism and the anticapitalism out of the NBIPP program.

S.A.: As expected, the Rainbow Coalition and Jesse Jackson endorsed Walter Mondale. What is your assessment of the state of the Black movement in the aftermath of the Jesse Jackson campaign?

Morgan: Although I politically defend Jesse Jackson and Louis Farrakhan against racist attacks, the Rainbow Coalition was a dead-end road. There needs to be some form of independent political action-although this does not mean that we would not support people or politicians who are conture, strategy, and tactics of the mainstream unions have proven inadequate to the task at hand. The relationship of the AFL-CIO to the Democratic Party has kept workers discussing the corporate agenda. We need to create our own political instrument and set our own agenda.

The recent Reagan budget will have the same effect as every budget written in the last 10 years. Increasing hardship and insecurity for workers and the poor-and increasing wealth for the corporations-are the order of the day.

S.A.: What has been the role of the Democratic Party during the first four years of the Reagan administration?

Mazzocchi: The Democratic Party is basically corporatist in policy and direction. It possesses neither the desire nor the will to challenge Reagan. Look at the response to the last election-a move to the right in order to "capture" Reagan's vote.

A new political party is necessary and possible. As part of this effort, the Workers' Policy Project is creating the "Workers' Political Association."

The WPAs are membership organizations formed on a local and regional basis. In order to initiate a new political instrument, we are asking people to contact us at the Workers' Policy Project, 853 Broadway, Rm. 2014, New York, N.Y. 10003.

Unions are the greatest thing in the world. I might tear the labor flag down a lot, but I'm only trying to take the many stains out of it. Young people'd better realize that unions set the standard of living for everybody in this country.

S.A.: The Steelworkers spend a lot of money and effort supporting Democratic Party candidates...

Weisen: That's a joke. The most we can give a Democratic candidate is 20 percent of what he or she receives. The corporations give that same Democrat the other 80 percent. How the hell are they going to vote? What we have to do is put our own labor people into these jobs.

S.A.: How can workers stop attacks from union busting, concessions, twotiered systems, and cuts in social services?

Weisen: We've got to mobilize all the people and shut this country down. That's the only way the crooked politicians, the corporations, and the banks will sit up and take notice.

In 1892 Homestead was a battleground. Homestead's going to be the battleground again for a new sistent with our views on specific issues.

Black people helped elect Carter. But Carter cut the budget, attacked social service programs, and generally did the kinds of things that Reagan has done. He didn't represent the interests of Black people. As for Mondale, he was trying to out-Reagan Reagan.

It is important to understand that Jesse Jackson captured the motion of Black people, not vice versa. Black people were in motion around a way to deal with the cutbacks in affirmative action, joblessness, and oppression. The Jackson campaign was an effort to capture that motion and restrain it.

But as the economic situation gets worse for Blacks in the next few years, a big opportunity will present itself to (continued on page 12)

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12 SOCIALIST ACTION APRIL 1985 Dan La Botz:

Dan La Botz, an instructor in the Political Science Department at Chicago's Roosevelt University, recently returned from Nicaragua. He has worked for 10 years as a labor and community organizer in Chicago and has written extensively on Mexico and Central America.

I hitchhiked from Matagalpa to Jinotega in the moutains on the north Pacific side of Nicaragua.

Everyone hitchhikes in that part of the country. Bus service never was very good, and now with the U.S. boycott of the country it's hard to get spare parts to keep all the buses running. But almost all of the truck drivers stop, military and civilian, and 20 or 30 people throw their bags and bundles and boxes over the side, climb up, a foot on the axle, a foot on the tire, and over the top.

There are funerals everyday; for soldiers sometimes, but it seems as often for the farmers, campesinos, who were attacked while harvesting in the fields. Or there are funerals for the teachers or students killed in the local school or for the doctors or patients killed in an attack on a clinic.

The United States is making war on Nicaragua through the contras or counterrevolutionaries, former members of the Somoza national guard and mercenaries from all over North and South America-the scum of two continents.

They are not making war on the Nicaraguan army-they are fighting the civilian population. The Council on Hemispheric Affairs, a non-profit, private research group based in New York City and Washington, D.C., reported "We should support the right of Nicaragua to self-determination."

that 880 non-combatants had been killed after capture by the contras and that 5000 Nicaraguans had died as a result of contra activity. The report estimated that 605 civilians had been killed in 1984.

The National Emergency Committee of the Nicaraguan Institute of Social Security and Welfare published a book on Dec. 25, 1984, which gives the results of contra attacks up to November 1984. The summary indicates the following: • Some 7300 people killed by the contras, including 3346 children and adolescents 6236 children orphaned 142,980 farmers and Indians placed from their land The total up to that time included 14 schools destroyed, 359 schools forced to close, 840 adult education centers forced to close, 98 teachers killed, and 247 adult students killed. In addition some 171 teachers were kidnapped.

Similarly, 41 health centers were either destroyed or otherwise affected, 18 health workers were killed, and 31 health workers were either wounded or kidnapped. It should be remembered that these casualties occur in a country whose population is 3.5 million.

A few months have passed since that report was published, and hundreds of others have been killed, wounded, or kidnapped by the contras. The war goes on.

The civilian casualties killed by the contras are no accident. The U.S. policy is to disrupt the Nicaraguan economy and society through economic boycott and military attack.

So far the United States has spent about $100 million to finance the contra war against Nicaragua. Now the Reagan administration is seeking another $14 million.

In addition, the United States has spent $1.7 billion on the war in El Salvador since 1980 and currently has about 100 advisers there-almost double the limit of 57 established by the U.S. Congress. At the moment there are 6000 U.S. Marines carrying out war games in Honduras; 1500 of them permanently assigned there.

It looks at the moment as if Congress will not vote the $14 million for further aid to the contras. However, that is not because there is any clear or consistent opposition from the Democratic Party. The opposition has come from church groups, labor unions, teachers and students, and others who have visited Central America, or who have worked with Central American refugees, or who have taken the time to look into the issues.

The Democrats have no policy alternative in Central America. Enough Democrats in Congress have consistently voted to pass military aid to the contras and aid to the El Salvador government in the past to keep the war there going. Remember that Walter Mondale, the liberal Democratic Party candidate for president, said that he was prepared to embargo Nicaragua.

Nor should we expect anything else. While Republicans and Democrats have different styles, they have the same foreign policy. It was, after all, a liberal Democrat, President John F. Kennedy, who authorized the Bay of Pigs invasion of Cuba in April 1961.

In April 1965 it was liberal Democrat Lyndon B. Johnson who sent the U.S. Marines and the U.S. Army 82nd Airborne Division into the Dominican Republic in violation of the charter of the Organization of American States (OAS). Johnson didn't trust his Latin American allies. As he said at the time, "The OAS couldn't pour piss out of a boot if the instructions were written on the heel."

And, of course, theré was the war against Vietnam. As Stephen E. Ambrose wrote in his book, The Rise to Globalism, "Vietnam was the liberals' Some 60,000 U.S. soldiers were killed in that war, 46,000 in combat; 300,000 were wounded. Probably millions of Vietnamese were killed. The direct cost to the United States for that war was $141 billion.

When Republican President Richard Nixon in 1973 used the U.S. Navy and the CIA to help the right-wing military carry out a coup in Chile and overthrow the government of Salvador Allende, he was carrying out a foreign policy consistent with that of his Democratic Party predecessors.

Likewise when (continued from page 11) chart a new course. NBIPP will be vital to the Black liberation struggle because it provides an alternative to various kinds of reforms which ultimately wind up in the Democratic Party.

S.A.: So the important thing now is to mobilize Blacks around the issues that affect them and channel that motion toward independent political action?

Morgan: Exactly. We have to make the connections betweem racism and imperialism; between our struggle here and the struggle of Blacks in South Africa. Worldwide economic exploitation serves to help bring us together.

A victory or a fightback against imperialism is a victory for Black people. That is why it is important for us to support the Sandinista effort in Nicaragua and the FDR/FMLN in El Salvador. And that is why it is important for us to link the struggle of Black South African liberation fighters with those other struggles.

S.A.: One of the demands of the April 20 antiwar demonstration is an end to U.S. support to the apartheid regime. How do you see this demand

FORUMS

ordered the invasion of Grenada on Oct. 25, 1983, it was an act of aggression more grotesque but less spectacular than Johnson's invasion of the Dominican Republic.

Right to self-determination

Nicaragua has had the audacity to rebel against the neocolonial system and to try to assert its independence and self-determination. I believe that we should support the right of the Nicaraguans to self-determination no matter what political system they may ultimately choose for themselves.

We should defend that same right for the people of South Africa in their struggle against apartheid. We should defend that same right for the people of Poland led by the Solidarity labor movement in their struggle against the military junta of Wojciech Jaruszelski and the threat of Soviet invasion.

We should defend that right for the people of Afghanistan in their struggle against the occupying army of the Soviet Union. In supporting the right to self-determination, we strengthen all fights for freedom. But we live in the United States, and our first responsibility is to try to stop the policy of the U.S government in Central America.

The U.S. war in Central America is taking the lives of civilians there everyday. That is, of course, the most tragic impact of the war.

It is, however, also hurting those of us who live in the United States. Not only in the sense that it is morally degrading to be forced through taxes to help pay for the war. Not only in the sense that it is intellectually demeaning to be subjected to the crude war propaganda of the government.

The war in Central America is also part of the justification for increases in military spending which are sucking billions of dollars away from social services in the United States, which are sapping the health and education and housing programs here.

We can play a role in stopping the contras in Nicaragua and the U.S. war against Central America. But we can rely upon neither the Republicans nor the Democrats. No politicians will do the job. We must do it ourselves.

There is a way we can do something about this situation. You can join those of us who will be going to Washington, D.C., on April 20 to demonstrate against the war. It's a small step, but it's part of the process of building a mass movement that says: No more Vietnams! No more war in Central America!

fitting in with other demonstration?

Morgan: The April action is a very important action for Black people, for poor people, for working people. It is important because through its demands it links four important issues, one of which is apartheid.

Apartheid in South Africa stems from the racist economic superexploitation of Black workers at the hands of some of the same corporations that also exploit Black and working people here.

The anti-apartheid movement must take up the cause of self-determination for the oppressed Black people of South Africa. It should commit itself to a program similar to the Freedom Charter of the African National Congress. In the past months, millions of Black workers in South Africa struck not just for their own economic gain, but also for political objectives. This is a lesson we should learn here.

It is important for NBIPP and Black activists to be part of the April 20 rally and march and to show the links between apartheid and U.S. military intervention in Central America-the links between the arms buildup and the maintenance of a system that continues to economically exploit Black and Third World people around the world.

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...What drives Star Wars ?

SOCIALIST ACTION APRIL 1985 13 (continued from page l, liminary stages of laboratory testing. These include such exotic devices as neutron bombs capable of destroying incoming warheads in a much wider radius than a simple atomic bomb; particle-beam "guns" that would shoot streams of atoms or subatomic particles at nearly the speed of light; and chemically powered lasers.

The budget now projected for Star Wars is $30 billion dollars over the next five years.

Can Star Wars work?

Many prominent scientists and opponents of Star Wars, such as Nobel laureate Dr. Hans A. Bethe, concede the theoretical possibility of such a weapons system but dismiss its realizability as an effective shield against a massive attack. There are two main reasons given:

1) While these devices are conceivable, the ability to engineer them is many years away;

2) History shows that in societies at comparable levels of development, "Star Wars Isn't madness of current chief executive."

every advance in military defense is soon •balanced by developments in offense-and vice versa. Thus the Soviet Union is in the same technological ball park as the United States and is capable of keeping pace in an accelerated arms race.

The Reagan administration claim— that the purpose of Star Wars is to create an impervious shield against an all-out nuclear attack in order to open the door to nuclear disarmament—cannot be taken at face value. So what, then, is behind this Star Wars "madness?"

It would be the greatest mistake, first of all, to perceive Star Wars as the "madness" of the current chief executive. Reagan's policy is completely in harmony with the historic political and military strategy of U.S. imperialism.

While real differences exist on political questions among the capitalist decision-makers, including on the Strategic Defense Initiative, the extent of such rifts within the ruling class is constrained within the framework of their common interests and goals.

Thus it is unrealistic to expect, despite important tactical differences among them, that any significant section of the capitalist rulers can be allies in the struggle against the drive toward a nuclear confrontation with the Soviet This "madness" is not a policy that capitalist imperialism is free to choose or abandon. It is the result of the inexorable logic of the system itself.

To place even the slightest measure of confidence in this or that wing of U.S. capitalism raises false hopes in the wrong forces. But most important, it cuts across the task of mobilizing the only force in our society that can lead the way toward peace-the U.S. working class.

It would also be a mistake to hold the Soviet Union equally responsible for the current precarious future for life on earth. The Soviets do not share the responsibility for originating the present threat of nuclear annihilation.

But the ruling Soviet bureaucrats are guilty of subordinating what should come first—a political campaign to promote the revolutionary action of the toilers of the world to disarm the imperialist warmakers—to a strict reliance on a military defense of the Soviet Their belief in the compatibility of socialism and capitalism-"peaceful coexistence" —leads them to seek agreements with the imperialist nations which betray the interests and struggles of the world's working masses. Such a policy by the ruling bureaucracy in the Soviet Union, in fact, only weakens the defense of the Soviet Union.

Why imperialism risks a nuclear holocaust The Great Depression that began in 1929 and that ended only when armaments production revived the prostrate economy during World War II, continues to haunt the capitalist world. The collapse of the world capitalist economy in the 1930s brought poverty and starvation to scores of millions-because there was too much food, too much clothing, too much housing, too much wealth!

The world's workers and other producers appeared to be drowning in a sea of unsold products. This paradox prepared the workers and their impoverished allies for a profound struggle against the fundamental source of their misery. The capitalist system was saved, however, by the betrayals of the class-collaborationist misleaders of the workers' movement.

The specter of another economic catastrophe of the proportions of the 1930s is noted almost every day in the capitalist press. Behind the balance-oftrade crisis, the debt crisis, the monetary crisis, the budget deficit, and the danger of a renewed climb in prices lurks an even greater crisis of overproduction.

The fear of another 1929 and the specter of revolutionary crises in the major capitalist countries are the factors that drive U.S. imperialism toward the Star Wars insanity.

Imperialism cannot afford to allow little Nicaragua to maintain even a measure of independence, fearing that this land of 3 million will close its borders to capitalist penetration and give a new WHY IS THE PENTAGON BENT ON BILLIONS INTO THE STAR WARS PROGRAM.. THEY SAID THE SAME THING ABOUT NUCLEAR POWER 40 YEARS AGO impulse to the world socialist revolution.

The logic of imperialism, to the contrary, drives it toward finding a way to roll back the tide of history and reenslave the people in the workers' states.

What the imperialists fear is not "Soviet aggression, as they so loudly proclaim. Their incessant clamoring is a fake. What they actually fear is the example of a socialist-type economy that inspires the world's exploited and oppressed masses.

Despite the recent phenomenon of inflation and unemployment in some of the workers' states, such as Yugoslavia and Poland, this is not a structural characteristic of the economy of a workers' state.

Instead, this is the price these states have paid for opening their economies to the re-penetration of imperialist capital without sufficient safeguards. The fluctuations of the world market are reflected inside workers' states that have reintroduced a degree of production for export while loosening the state monopoly over pricing and foreign trade.

But the still predominant non-capitalist mode of production in the workers' states-based on an overall plan not regulated by market forces—is essentially free of the crisis of overproduction.

While the world capitalist economy was drastically curtailed in the giant decade-long depression of the 1930s, the Soviet economy, despite mismanagement by the privileged bureaucratic caste, continued to grow.

The revolutionary impact of this catastrophe for capitalism, contrasted with Soviet economic success, should not be underestimated. Its impact on the consciousness of the world's exploited masses opened up a wave of revolutionary struggles and victories— despite the failures and betrayals of the Soviet Stalinist misleadership-that have changed the world relation of forces.

A repeat of this phenomenon on a vastly higher scale is the specter haunting Reagan and his class as they drive toward the desperate gamble of Star Wars.

What can the U.S. gain?

U.S. imperialism is no longer confident of its military superiority over the Soviets in a conventional war. The stalemate in Korea and the defeat in Vietnam have shown that billions of dollars in military hardware is not sufficient against a revolutionary fighting force of millions of peasants and workers.

No less significant were the unprecedented mass mobilizations in this country that contributed mightily to the defeat of U.S. imperialism in Vietnam. The fear of even more destabilizing mass mobilizations against new imperialist adventures has been a powerful force restraining the U.S. ruling class.

Star Wars is a deliberate effort to SCIENTISTS SAY IT CAN'T POSSIBLY WORK?

IF WE'D LISTENED TO THEM THEN, WE WOULDN'T HAVE THE BOMB TODAY by Wostermon convince its antagonists-primarily the Soviets-that U.S. imperialism will blow up the world rather than bow to historical necessity. It is a calculated madness that is not entirely a bluff: The bluff won't work unless the threat to carry it out is believable, and it must be real to be believed.

The U.S. imperialist aim is to force greater assistance from the Stalinist regimes and their appendage Communist parties around the world in holding back revolution. Despite Stalinist willingness to make such a deal with imperialism, Communist parties-as in China and Vietnam-nonetheless came to power.

Despite Stalinist policies designed to maximize defeat, the capitalist dictatorships in China and Vietnam collapsed as a result of the mobilizations of the impoverished masses and the decay of the indigenous capitalist regimes in the dependent countries.

In these cases, the Soviet bureaucracy was no longer in a position to bargain away the interests of the revolution and, reflecting its contradictory position, seized the opportunity to further weaken imperialism by providing material aid to the victorious revolutions.

The most annoying example that U.S. imperialism seeks to avoid seeing repeated has been the material aid supplied by the Soviet Union to Cuba. The Star Wars warning to the Soviet leader is simply this: There had better be no more Cubas! And if there are-despite our joint efforts-you had better not provide them with material aid!

U.S. imperialism aims to gain other benefits from the Star Wars program. It hopes to impart a qualitative impetus to research and development of military technology. It hopes that the investment in Star Wars will pay off in a leap forward in sophisticated weaponry that will alter the military relationship of forces in its favor.

And finally, the U.S. government hopes to bolster the U.S. economy through the multiple technological byproducts of the research and development of the Star Wars program. It is a fact that most technological advances in the civilian economy in the post-war era resulted from military-oriented research.

The road to peace There is only one road to lasting peace and nuclear disarmament: the construction of a mass movement led by the working class that can wrench the power to destroy the world out of the hands of the capitalist class. How will this be done?

The only real obstacle is a lack of consciousness by the workers of their own potential power to lead the masses of oppressed and exploited people toward a victory over capitalism. But this consciousness cannot be gained with words alone. Workers must learn through action.

The mass mobilizations that built such a mighty labor movement in this country in the 1930s and the mobilizations against the war in Vietnam in the 1960s and '70s were supreme educational experiences as well as practical steps forward for humanity. More than conquering new ground against the most powerful capitalists in history, masses of working people and their allies gained new confidence in their collective power and the vulnerability of the ruling class.

Today the anti-interventionist movement begins with a higher level of consciousness than was the case at the outset of the anti-Vietnam War movement. The involvement of the unions is a measure of that.

The slogans of the April 20 national demonstrations combine the struggle against U.S. intervention and nuclear weapons with the struggle against the attack on the living standards of American workers.

The ground is being laid for the American working class and its democratic fighting institutions to regain their traditional status as champions of all the oppressed and exploited. This is an indispensible requirement for a successful working-class struggle for emancipation-and the liberation of the human race from Star Wars-like madness.

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increases.] They've been in bed with the "Reagan wants a war

UNITED 7007

Ken Morgan