Voter abstention reveals distrust

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10 SOCIALIST ACTION APRIL 1985 people. The time had to be right and the place had to be right. It all seemed to come together.

It is ironic that with the growth of the movement since 1981, with all of the escalations that have occurred, May 3 still stands as the largest anti-intervention demonstration.

By contrast, today we have the entire anti-intervention movement on record in support of this demonstration. Sentiment has grown manyfold. The dangers and the threats and actions taken by this government are much worse. And so the potential is there for a large turnout on April 20.

Antinuclear movement

Now the second component is the antinuclear movement. At our conference in Cleveland in September, we took a very positive view of this movement. Let me read from the action proposal that we adopted:

"The U.S. anti-intervention and antinuclear movements are natural allies. Both movements should unite in opposing interventionist wars, the nuclear arms race, and astronomical military spending which is bankrupting this country and depriving it of funds needed for jobs, health care, education, housing, food programs, and the environment.

Unity in action by the anti-intervention and antinuclear movements-so badly needed today-can pave the way for demonstrations in the months ahead of a size and magnitude without precedent."

Of course there are differences within the movement on phraseology used by some disarmament groups, on an electoral focus, and on a sometimes evenhanded approach toward anti-intervention demands.

But with full knowledge of whatever differences we might have in those areas, the view of the majority at the Cleveland conference was to reject what Last November Ronald Reagan received 54.5 million votes to Mondale's 37.5 million. This means that of the 174 million eligible voters in this country, 82 million did not vote.

The ruling-class media and its statisticians had predicted a significant increase in voter turnout over 1980. But this did not happen. The increase was a mere three-tenths of 1 percent, for a total turnout of 52.9 percent.

At its first national convention in November 1984, Socialist adopted a document entitled, "28 Theses on the American Socialist RevoluI MYSELF BLAME THE DEMOCRATS......

BECAUSE OF THEM, I VOTED FOR REAGAN. tion and the Building of the Revolutionary Party" Socialist Action Information Bulletin, No. 1, $2). Although written two years ago, the document's assessment of the Reagan presidency and of voter abstention remains as valid today as when it was first written. It states:

"The Reagan victory [in 1980] was by no means a popular mandate for reactionary programs. On the contrary, it was the expression of the increased distrust and disaffection with the two-party system by half of the eligible voting-age population who preferred to abstain from voting.

«This attitude of cynicism indifference to the two capitalist parties could only express itself in the negative given the complete lack of any independent expression of working-class politics.

«The absence of a labor party based on the unions has put its stamp on all aspects of political life in the United States. This has prevented the working class from using its potential strength as an organized and independent political force....

"With the growing political and economic crisis of U.S. capitalism and the growing ferment among the working masses, the preconditions for the development of a labor party continue to ripen."

In 1984 Ronald Reagan received no mandate from the American people to carry out his reactionary policies. As in 1980, the Democrats provided no alternative to "Reaganism."

If anything, Mondale's policies were indistinguishable from Reagan's on most of the important issues.

The bipartisan attacks on the rights and standard of living of millions of working people will only accelerate during Reagan's second term. The disaffection expressed in the continued abstention will give way to resistance and struggle as the economy inevitably moves into a downturn.

But in order to successfully drive back the employers' attacks, it will be necessary for working people to break through all the obstacles in their path.

Union activists and leaders will find they must challenge the conservative business unionism of the current union leadership in order to effectively fight the boss. Strikes, picket lines, and genuine solidarity must be organized with the full participation of the union membership.

And as the new leadership engages the employers in battle at the job site, it will find it needs to challenge the bosses' parties in the government as well. This is the next big step working people must take.

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BEYOND APRIL 20