British media distort struggle in No. Ireland

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Ireland: the Propaganda War, by Liz Curtis. London, Liz Curtis' new book is a thorough and well-documented history of the role played by the British media in the struggle in the North of Ireland Curtis begins with a brief examination of the blackout on news about the Six Counties before the civil-rights movement of the 1960s. This movement—with its massive base of support—forced the issue of Ireland into British newspapers and As soon as the radical thrust of this movement became clear and British troops descended onto the streets of Belfast and Derry in August 1969, the media began a blatant campaign to defend English domination and to legitimize the responses of Their reportage of the events of Bloody Sunday in 1972 is a clear example of this. A large peaceful demonstration was in progress. British paratroopers descended on the scene in armored cars. They spread out and began to shoot. Women, children, and men holding white handkerchiefs aloft-all were targets. This was the initial report, filed by both The Guardian and The Times (London)

Late that night, senior army officers met. Their "official statement" issued the next day alleged that there was a riot underway and that paratroopers fired only at identified targets and only in response to gunfire and bomb throwing from these The media's tune changed. The Guardian headline the next day read, "Thirteen The Daily Telegraph stated, "Banned march erupts into riot, and, "IRA fired TV programs.

the Ulster loyalists and British troops.

reporters on the scene.

targets.

killed as paratroopers break riot."

first, says Army."

Both articles failed to report Many events and, in fact, a Socialist Party Dear editor, Lenni Brenner's letter (February 1985) referred to the Socialist Party as DA's predecessor. The Socialist Party is alive and well, thank you. The current SP resulted from a three-way split in the old party over the Vietnam war.

The two cold-warrior/ right-wing blocs that left the party went on to form the Social Democrats (USA) and the DSA. The left-wing of the party (the Debs caucus) reconstituted the SP in 1973.

We in the Socialist Party have undergone much struggle with our own past, and the party has evolved into a revolutionary-democratic-socialist party in the Debs tradition.

SP members are actively working in mass movements for peace, social justice, and economic democracy.. We oppose all military blocs and support the struggles of Third World peoples to free themselves.

The Socialist Party is back on track and is not to be confused with the DSA-no matter how much Harrington and Co. try to lay claim to the SP tradition.

John Kirkland, Wharton, Texas A criticism Dear editor, It is good to see Socialist Action carrying material on unionists' struggles to estabA corri In the February 1985 issue of Socialist Action the following mistakes were made in the article titled, "Slide shows dig deep into miners' history":

(1) The author's name is Genny Zbach, not Zebach; (2) the slide show on "Monongah that the 13 dead were all killed general picture of what life is lish control of their own unions. The only problem is that Nat Weinstein's arguments in his January 1985 article, "Canadian split weakens auto workers union, place Socialist Action on the wrong side.

Canadian director Robert White's "demands" for autonomy, which the class-collaborationist bureaucrats in Detroit rejected without so much as a discussion, are skipped over in Weinstein's article. The implication is left that in some way these "demands" were unreasonable and Bieber's rejections justified-all in the interests, of course, of auto workers' unity.

Weinstein deplores, "Had the GM workers on both sides of the border struck together....

But that is just what Bieber's "give-aways" did not allow to happen.

The Canadian workers want unity to fight the auto bosses, but they want to run their own show in collaboration with U.S. auto workers.

Among other things, this means control of their own strike funds.

The question of democratic rights of Canadian unionists caught up in the bureaucratically controlled machinery of the so-called "internationals"

is a highly explosive one.

More and more Canadian unionists are establishing their autonomous rights in opposition to the U.S. bureaucrats and hence outside of the "internationals."

iction 1907" is by Davitt McAteer, not Babitt McAteer; and (3) 362 miners died in the explosion in 1907, not 700 as stated.

We ask the author to forgive us for the mistakes made in taking the story over the phone.-THE EDITORS Press, 1984, 336 pp.

¡les!.. by British troops. like for the Catholic ganda machine.

Robert White is by no means a militant, nor is he a maverick. His stance at the Dec. 10 showdown had the almost unanimous support of the broadly based Canadian Council.

Some persons who should know better have dismissed this struggle for union democracy, for Canadian autonomy, with the label they use pejoratively as "Canadian nationalism."

Ross Dowson, Toronto A response It seems to me that Ross Dowson has misunderstood the general thrust of my story on the split in the UAW. There is nothing there that contradicts the conception of local autonomy for the Canadian section of the UAW within the framework of an effective, fighting union structure encompassing all auto workers.

Autonomy that prevents joint action against the boss or which isolates a more combative wing from the main body of the union is a step in the wrong direction.

Dowson clearly seems to be arguing for Canadian autonomy, which is another matter. His conception of autonomy seems to go further that protested these conditions.

killer of Sands and that is Sands himself."

vehicles as its electoral campaigns.

"Murderers or freedom fighters?" Or a liberation struggle?...

than the usual meaning of the term.

It is a long-standing principermit local autonomy on local matters. This is indispensable to workers' democracy and to the development of a self-acting local leadership.

Working-class internationalism is no less a principle. It is wrong, because it is self-defeating, to permit national boundaries to obstruct working-class unity.

This is not at all intended to imply that Canadian UAW members—or any other local affiliate of the international union-must, in principle, accept bureaucratic treatment at the hands of the top officialdom.

The right to resist bureaucratic violations of workers' democracy includes the right to separate if necessary. But Dowson seems to be arguing that separation for Canadian workers is a principle.

Even if the issue were indeed that of "Canadian nationalism, the relevant principle is the right to separate-not separation itself.

Other than the difference of opinion cited above, Dowson and I seem to have a common view of the debilitating effects of the class-collaborationist, sell-out policies of union bureaucracies exemplified by the Bieber misleadership of the UAW."New South"

Dear editor, The Rev. Jesse Jackson has recently returned to South Carolina, where he hopes to gain a position of power within the state Democratic Party.

To the disbelief of many of SOCIALIST ACTION examples of either never his supporters, Jackson has been proclaiming that times have changed in this New South" and that most whites have put aside their old racism.

Episodes do occur regularly that cast such hopes asunder. One such incident took place on Jan. 16, when Retired Chief Justice Joseph Moss used the term "damn nigger" when referring to a group of Blacks who objected to the conviction of a Black youth charged with shooting a white teacher.

Not realizing that his microphone was on, a full courtroom heard Moss render his "opinion."

One wonders how many "damn niggers" are sitting in South Carolina's prisons because of Moss and his cohorts.

Due to public outcry, a mild condemnation of the judge was passed in the state House of Representatives. The resolution, however, has met with stiff opposition in the state Senate.

So much for the "New South" and the Rev. Jesse Jackson's "good counsel."

Mel Reichard, Columbia, S.C.

We welcome letters from our readers. Please keep them brief. Where necessary they will be abridged.

Distributors of Socialist Acti in Canada:

Gauche Socialiste C.P. 152, succ. N Montreal H2X 3N4 Socialist Action Collective 96 Maryland Ave.

Winnipeg, Manitoba R3G1K8 SFAC P.O. Box 12082 Edmonton, Alta.

Socialist Workers Collective 412A College St.

Toronto, Ontario MST 1T3 MARCH 1985 15

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SOCiALiSt ActioN

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