United Steelworkers convention: Officials place all hope in Mondale

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"The growing discontent with the concession-bargaining strategy was reflected in the large number of resolutions demanding an end to concesslons." 12 SOCIALIST ACTION NOVEMBER 1984 CLEVELAND-'Steelworkers together in 1984 with Mondale and Ferraro will make America work again? proclaimed banners at the 22nd convention of the United Steelworkers of America (USWA).

The 3203 delegates meeting here on Sept. 24-28 represented approximately 740,000 working members-down almost 47 percent over the last few years. Since the last convention, the employer offensive against steelworkers has intensified. In February 1983 a concession contract was approved in basic steel that will cost the average worker $11,745 in wages and benefits. Plant closings and long-term layoffs have reached epidemic proportions. Other jobs have been lost through job combination, contracting out, and super crafts (cross crafting). Forty-two USWA locals are on strike; 26 of these strikes are over three months old.

Most delegates regarded the appearance of Democratic presidential candidate Walter Mondale as a highlight of the convention. Delegates interrupted his speech with applause and favorable chants so frequently that Mondale quipped, "I think I'll package you and take you with me for the rest of the campaign."

The Mondale/Ferraro resolution described Mondale as a "friend of long standing" whose election is our first priority."

Resolutions on such varied topics as collective bargaining, unemployed members, and women's rights all included references to the USWA's endorsement of Mondale. International President Lynn Williams described the defeat of Ronald Reagan as the most important task facing the union. "We had a lot to do with putting Walter Mondale on the ticket. Now let's put him where he belongs-in the White House."

Mondale took credit for pushing through the Chrysler settlement that resulted in record profits for the bosses, but large-scale concessions and layoffs for the workers. Although he urged a similar plan for the steel industry, delegates failed to question this misuse of union resources. No one mentioned that both the Democrats and the Republicans have consistently supported the employers' offensive against steelworkers and that these attacks will continue regardless of whether Reagan or Mondale wins the election.

Much of the praise for Mondale related to his willingness to support the USWA bureaucracy's attempt to limit steel imports. The openly racist and chauvinist language of past USWA debates was toned down in favor of a call for a "rational" worldwide division of labor which would protect the rights of American workers. Minor opposition was expressed during the debate on the Fair Trade in Steel Act resolution.

Opposition to constitutional changes A special committee proposed a series of changes in the USWA constitution. Although all the proposals were adopted, two changes met with significant opposition. One permits the International Executive Board to fill any vacancies among the international officers, district directors, and the national director of Canada for the remainder of the term.

Opponents of this change argued that there should be a set line of succession among the other officers. Approximately 40 percent of the delegates voted against this change. Since many steelworkers had feared membership election of officers would be eliminated, a number of resolutions reaffirmed support to this important democratic right.

The other controversial change concerned the strike and defense fund. Prior to the convention, there was almost $218 million in this fund. The change adopted provides that no more money will be put into this fund whenever it reaches $200 million. The fund will be allowed to sink to $180 million before any further contributions are made.

Opponents of this change advanced two arguments. One group opposed taking any money from the strike and defense fund, arguing that to do so would signal to the companies that no serious fight would be waged in the next basic steel negotiations. These delegates argued that increased payments should be made to strikers—especially longterm strikers-so they would not be starved into accepting substandard contracts.

Other opponents agreed that a $180200 million strike and defense fund is sufficient, but objected to the proposed use of the money. They argued that it should be used to set up special programs to assist long-term laid-off members.

Only one of the proposed constitutional changes which failed generated any opposition. Approximately 20 percent of the delegates supported a proposal to reduce the number of top officers from five to three.

During the discussion supporters of the Rank-and-File Caucus did not coordinate their activities. Such well-known oppositionist delegates as Jim Balanoff and Ed Sadlowski didn't speak. However, other well-known oppositionists, including Ron Weisen (president Local 1397), Mike Bonn (president Local 2227), Cec Taylor (president Local 1005), and Mike Olszanski (Local 1010) spoke several times.

Policy resolutions

The 51 policy resolutions recommended by the resolutions committee were compiled from 1413 resolutions submitted by local unions. These included resolutions on unemployed members, coordinated bargaining, grievance and arbitration procedure, strikes, plant closings, women's rights, civil rights, and nuclear freeze. No significant opposition was raised to any resolution proposed by the resolutions committee.

Some delegates pointed favorably to some of the strong provisions in several resolutions, but expressed doubt that the International officers would follow through on their implementation.

The world affairs resolution hailed the election of Jose Napoleon Duarte in El Salvador, accused leftist guerrillas of waging a war directed at the civilian population, and urged that future U.S. military aid be conditioned on the implementation of the U.S.-backed land-reform program.

Joe Lindenmuth (president Local 2265) urged the delegates to return this resolution to committee to be rewritten to correctly reflect the situation in Central America. He said that U.S. multinational corporations and the U.S. government are creating the problems and that the resolution should clearly come out against all U.S. military aid. Describing the official resolution as an injustice to the workers of Central America and the Caribbean, Lindenmuth was frequently interrupted by applause during his remarks, although very few delegates voted against the official resolution.

A number of Black and women delegates advocated that issues of particular relevance to minorities be adequately addressed. At the urging of Black delegates, the civil rights resolution was moved up on the agenda. A special meeting was also held for women delegates. Although the meeting was billed as a discussion on the gender gap, participants raised such issues as sexual harassment, day care, the role of women in the union, and the need to publicize the union's support for women's rights.

Following a film of the Phelps Dodge strike, Angel Rodriguez, president of one of the striking locals, told the delegates, "It's your strike too. You can see the union busters at work. Believe me, if we lose it, you'll lose in the long run."

Former International President I.W. Abel spoke mainly about the Phelps Dodge strike, describing the Arizona cops as "seal hunters clubbing innocent victims" and urging the USWA to take a stand in support of the copper miners. "These fights are the fight of all of us" Abel said. "The labor movement is at stake. If you think you've given concessions, just wait until you lose your A collection to aid USWA strikers netted about $8500.

No challenge to supporting Democrats Throughout the convention, no one challenged the USWA's support for the Democratic Party. Although Robert Rae of the Ontario New Democratic Party spoke on the accomplishments of his party, no delegate questioned why the USWA doesn't support a labor party in the United States. However, concern was expressed that support for Mondale not be allowed to take away from discussion of pressing issues. One delegate raised his displeasure with the constant references to Mondale in the policy resolutions, saying, "Win or lose in November, we'll still be faced with these problems and have to discuss how to deal with them."

In discussing the strike resolution, Ron Weisen argued that the $200,000 the USWA spent at the Democratic Party convention and the $40,000 it spent at the Republican Party convention could better be spent on the picket line.

Weisen's argument that "we stop shaking hands with management and start shaking our fist at them" brought a great response from the delegates.

Although there was no organized opposition, the growing discontent with the bureaucracy's concession-bargaining strategy was reflected in the large number of resolutions from local unions demanding an end to concessions, restoration of contract cuts, and improved wages and benefits.

The militant language included in some of the policy resolutions was a clear reflection of steelworkers' increasing anger. Although no one put forward a strategy to effectively counter the bosses' offensive, the response to the presentation on the Phelps Dodge strike was one indication of an increasing awareness that the non-adversarial methods touted by the USWA officialdom aren't working.

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Local 2 workers reject contract "Final offer—Not good enough!" This is what striking workers at 29 restaurants in San Francisco said to the restaurant owners when they voted by a 95 percent margin to continue their strike last Oct. 23. By a vote of 603 to 31, members of the Hotel and Restaurant Workers and Bartenders Union, Local 2, rejected the giveback contract proposed by the owners. The contract offer includes a two-tier wage system and a wage freeze for current employees.

Local 2 workers were forced out on strike over two months ago. This militant strike deserves the support of all trade unionists in the San Francisco Bay New York forum on 1934 strikes Strikers battle police during 1934 Minneapolis truck drivers' strike.

Over 50 people attended a New York Socialist Action forum on Oct. 20 to watch "Labor's Turning Point," a film about the 1934 Teamsters' strikes and to discuss the lessons for today of the powerful movement that gave rise to industrial unions. The panel included Ray Markey, a delegate to the New York City Central Labor Council; Jake Cooper, a veteran of the 1934 strikes and a national committee member of Socialist Action; Gary Stevenson, a Teamster union organizer, Local 810; Bill Henning, second vice president, Local 1180, Communications Workers of America; and Ed Ott, vice president, Local 8-149, Oil, Chemical, and Atomic Workers Union.

SOCIALIST ACTION NOVEMBER 1984 13 ANAHEIM, Calif.—The strike at Disneyland is over. The 1844 members of five striking unions voted to accept a contract after 22 days on strike. The contract accepted is only a minimum improvement over the contract offered Sept. 25, before the strike.

The unions, led by the Teamsters, rejected the first proposal and set up picket lines around the "Magic Kingdom" on Sept. 25. One of the key issues was Disneyland's proposal to deny health benefits to all employees until they reach the 20-hour, five-day status. As George Parks, a spokesman for the union, pointed out, 45 percent of the workers at Disneyland are part-timers. Another key issue was the Disneyland refusal to guarantee that current employees would not lose any hours to subcontractors. The company declared it would start rehiring on Oct. Il, and it did.

In the face of the company's threat to hire replacement workers and fire all strikers, the Disneyland workers held a solidarity meeting on Oct. Il attended by international representatives from each of the striking unions. The president of the Los Angeles County Federation of Labor pledged the support of the labor movement for their strike.

The Labor Alliance Against ConcesBy SHIRLEY PASHOLK CLEVELAND-On Oct. 4 striking meat-cutter members of United Food and Commercial Workers (UFCW) Local 880 at 15 Kroger stores in northeast Ohio overwhelmingly voted to approve a new contract offer and return to work. The company forced the strike by imposing a $2-per-hour pay cut when the contract expired on Sept. 10. Retail clerk members of UFCW Local 880, who had earlier approved the original offer, have also agreed to the second offer.

The new contract still includes serious concessions, including a 50 centsions suggested to union officials the necessity of labor solidarity and a boycott of Disneyland. Since Disneyland sends blocks of discount tickets to unions, a boycott could have been very effective. Members of the Labor Alliance joined the picketline.

- On Oct. 15 the company presented its new proposal. They still demanded a two-year freeze on wages, but no longer froze new-hired employees out of health benefits. But to be eligible for these benefits they must work 20 hours spread over a period of five days. This means workers must go to Disneyland and work five days a week, even if they are offered only two or three hours of work A bad feature of the contract involves sub-contracting work to non-union firms. The company proposed that any worker could be laid off when in outside firm was hired to do his o ner iob. The new contract limits th number so displaced to 10 percent of the work force-still a serious threat to the five unions involved.

Could the unions have won a better contract? Without question. The labor movement should have been rallied to the unions' defense. Banners of other unions would have lifted the morale of workers terrified of unemployment and being left out on a limb. As it is, the best that can be said is that the unions are intact. They will learn. As one picket said, "We will have to live with this contract. It will be hard to work next to scabs. But we will be here to fight again."

per-hour wage cut and loss of a week's vacation and three personal holidays. Sunday and holiday work will be at straight time.

By standing up to the bosses' threats to close down the stores if the original offer wasn't approved, Local 880 members were able to prevent more severe pay cuts. They showed what can be accomplished with a fight. With greater solidarity, especially on the part of the clerks, most of whom continued working, the meat cutters could have held out for a better settlement.

Contracts for approximately 14,000 UFCW members who work at major area grocery chains expired Sept. 10. Since then they have been working without a contract. Union members have stated their determination not to accept any concessions. In March 1983 UFCW members gave up several personal holidays and cost-of-living increases.

POMPETS GROTTO POMPEL ATTO Area!

Although northeast Ohio is the ninth largest national market in terms of sales, company spokespersons are claiming poverty and demanding greater concessions than those forced on the Kroger workers.

The latest contract proposal, which the union is recommending be rejected, includes a $1-per-hour pay cut and reduction in premium time for Sundays and holidays. A two-tiered pay formula will mean that by the end of the con...UAW contract (continued from page tracts, which fail to include a traditional UAW cost-of-living provision, offer no protection against a rise in the inflation rate, which is widely predicted to erupt well before this contract expires.

The Ford contract includes a proportional $300-million version of the misnamed GM "$1-billion job fund."

These "job funds" promoted as an answer to lay-offs and extending over a six-year period, will offer virtually nothing in the way of real job protection.

New workers are left out entirely, and eligible workers are obliged to move to other cities and states to qualify for a new job. They must do this without adequate guarantees to justify the uprooting of their families and in many cases at a reduced pay-rate. And some workers will be "paid while being trained" for new and mostly lower-paying jobs. The $300-million and $1-billion funds will prove to be a trick for reducing wages and undermining existing union protection of wage standards when workers are shifted from one job category to another.

The massive rank-and-file opposition, despite the hyped-up "selling" of the GM contract by the UAW officialdom, is evidence of a wide gulf between the fighting instincts of the ranks and the defeatest mood of the union officialdom. The Canadian strike is further proof of this.

The verdict given the U.S. contracts by Canadian workers is captured in this judgment by Ben Klundert, an assembler in a GM transmission plant in STRIAL MEIS Socialist Action/Asher Harer tract in three years new full-time clerks will be paid $7.25 per hour while new •part-time clerks will receive $5.50 per hour, well below the prevailing wage rate. Hours for new hires will range from 14 to 27 hours per week. Full benefits are given only to employees working over 28 hours per week.

Should the clerks strike, this would be the first major grocery strike in Cleveland since 1952 and in Akron since 1969.

The failure of leadership is glaring. The UAW officialdom over the years has permitted the fracturing of union solidarity on virtually every conceivable level. Workers are divided by nation, by industry, by company, and now even by plant, and are left to face a united employing class. Evidence of this can be seen in the phony "selective" GM strike ordered by the UAW union bureaucracy, which ended in a "lousy" contract.

Canadian auto workers may do better than their U.S. counterparts-it would be hard to do worse-but a basic change in strategy is required on both sides of the border before real progress can be made. It is necessary to return to the fighting traditions based on class solidarity that made the American labor movement the most powerful in the world. A new leadership based on this class-struggle perspective is certain to emerge in the coming years.

Distributors of Socialist Action in Canada:

Socialist Workers Collective 412A College St.

Toronto, Ontario MST IT3 Gauche Socialiste C. P. 152, succ. N Montreal H2X 3N4 Socialist Challenge P.O. Box 69756 Station "K"

Vancouver, B.C.

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By STEPHANIE COONTZ Class and Community: The Industrial Revolution in Lynn, by Alan Dawley, Harvard University Press, 1979, 301 pp., $5.95.

In the last few years a number of young historians have begun to re-examine American history from a Marxist perspective and to destroy many of the myths of American "exceptionalism."

In this excellent book on the shoemaking industry in Lynn, Mass., Alan Dawley shows how capitalist social relations had undermined the position of the skilled artisan for several decades before the actual establishment of the factory system, and he destroys older interpretations of the early labor movement as backward-looking and conservative. He then suggests a new explanation of 19th-century labor history that is more firmly rooted in class analysis than the old idea that cheap land or Lewis Hine North. The head start in political leadership that they thereby gained, seriously undermined the move toward independent workers' parties that had begun before the Civil War, channeling many workers into the pure and simple trade unionism of the American Federation of Labor.

Rigorous and involved

One of the most delightful aspects of Dawley's book is the proof it offers that rigorous scholarship need not be uninvolved. Dawley shows us the human effects of the social processes he describes, and he is indignant at the way mainstream historians have distorted the record. His comments on theories of pluralism are worth remembering in discussions about the meaning of equal rights in a market system:

"What is the value in a view which regards the wage bargain between employers and employees as essentially the same thing as the price bargain between a manufacturer and a merchant, and the same as the terms of a loan

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No magic at Disneyland

Kroger forces concessions

STRIKE STRIKE Bandati

Windsor, Ontario: "They took a lousy contract in the United States, but we sure are not going to take one here."