We could have won

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Socialist Action: Can you fill us in on what has been happening since the Greyhound strike?

David Mix: I think there is a peculiar thing going on that the company didn't expect. They really felt we were going to come back to work with our tails between our legs. And that hasn't happened. People are still very upset, very angry. And so they are not being passive, and that's a real problem for Greyhound.

S.A.: Since you did vote against the settlement, what alternative would you have recommended to win the strike? Do you think the strike could have been won?

Mix: I think so. There were several threats that Greyhound threw out. Number one was that they would continue to operate with nonunion help. I don't think in reality that could have happened. It would have taken a good five years for them to operate at full-scale capacity. So if we could have overcome that fear and kept our own people from going back to work I think we could have prevailed. Another threat was that they were going to liquidate, sell the bus company, franchise it, or whatever. Of course, we were unprepared to counter any of those threats, but I don't think they would have carried through on any of them. I think the whole thing was a ploy on their part, and I think if we would have challenged them we could have won.

S.A.: What role do you think the rest of the labor movement could have played, in practical terms, in mobilizing broader labor solidarity to help you win the strike?

Mix: Again it is an organizational problem. We are all going to have to look at this very carefully in the future-unions helping each otherbecause we've got probably the most power, we've got unbelievable resources in terms of manpower and financial power. We just have to learn how to use it. If you take the general funds or the trust funds and everything else combined of all the unions we far exceed any corporation or collective group of corporations in finances. So if we can get ourselves together and help each other we can do it.

The whole idea of winning strikes or disputes with companies by going after the financial backers of the various companies is something that people have talked about for years. If Crocker Bank has a strong connection with the hotels in Las Vegas that aren't willing to settle, then consider the impact, for example, of all the local unions in this area saying "Sorry Crocker, we're not going to do any business with you any further?' S.A.: In San Francisco there was significant support for your strike from people in the community and members of the labor movement as a result of the work done by the Greyhound Strikers Support Committee. What was your assessment of that?

Mix: We were just elated by the amount of support we got. Of course, we never knew it was out there. Basically it came through Walter Johnson of the Retail Clerks Local 1100. He helped put the committee together, along with the San Francisco Labor Council. And there was a lot of financial support and moral support. And a lot of physical activity-rallies, picketing, and everything else.

S.A.: Were you successful in keeping people off the buses?

Mix: I think so. We could have done more. We should have laid out some plans, some strategies. Because that is what it comes down to-how do you keep the people off the bus? Nobody really ever sat down and formulated any type of ideas as to what should be done 12) men's and Warehousemen's Union (ILWU); Frank Souza, district representative of the International Association of Machinists (IAM); and others mobilized hundreds of supporters to pack the regular meeting of the Oakland City Council and demand that the scabherding cops be called off the struck plant.

In addressing the Council, Groulx recalled the historic Oakland general for a new party, a labor party, strike of 1946. Herman, in his turn at the podium, reminded the Council of the 1934 General Strike led by the ILWU, which effectively closed down the port and city of San Francisco. Others followed in a similar vein, pontificating on the past achievements of the labor movement. After the thunder had subsided, the Council agreed to conduct an investigation into the role of the cops on the picket lines. Meanwhile, a second mass picket is set for May 31.

With few exceptions, the strike differs little from those that have ended in defeat over the past several years. The scenario is all too familiar: A corporation, seeking to maximize its profits at the expense of workers, decides to make a serious effort to break a union. Either by hiring professional thugs or by agreement with local police, the company establishes its "right" to operate by running scabs through union pickets. Following a number of protests from local labor bodies, a large picket is organized, usually by a combination of the AFL-CIO labor council, the Teamsters, and the ILWU. The picket line is militant, tough, and spirited.

Sometimes the labor officials are arrested. The next day and the next week pass. The picket line is reduced to the striking workers who are unable to