Steel elections reveal need for fightback plan

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that a different type of trade unionism than that of McBride is needed.

Many view the March 29 special election to replace McBride as providing a chance to express their discontent over job losses, worsened working conditions, and deteriorating living standards. The USWA is one of the few large industrial unions which elects its top officers through membership referendum. All steelworkers who haven't been laid off over two years will have a chance to vote.

Although the USWA was bureaucratically formed from the top down by the Mineworkers union with Phillip Murray appointed as president, there has been a tradition of movements for union democracy. This is despite the tremendous power of the International which appoints all staff representatives— including the personal secretaries of district directors. These appointed staff representatives wield a disproportionate share of influence at International conventions as well as being able to decide whether a local union's grievances will be processed through arbitration.

In 1965, the last election in which the International leadership was divided over which candidate to support, I. W. Abel upset David McDonald. Abel's campaign promised a change from the business unionism of McDonald. He pledged to return the union to the rank-and-file. But once elected, he continued business as usual During the next ten years, a number of local unions elected officers pledged to increase democracy. Unsuccessful convention challenges were mounted around dues reform, support to civil rights, and opposition to the Experimental Negotiating Agreement (ENA), a settlement reached between the steel companies and 6 Socialist Action March 1984 ing, the rights of women and minorities, and workplace health and safety.

Although Sadlowski's slate lost, it carried the majority of votes in basic steel and won majorities in several districts. Thousands of steelworkers actively participated in the campaign. Many of them viewed Sadlowski's campaign committee, Steelworkers Fight Back, as the beginning of a movement to allow the membership to take control of the union. They expected that win or lose an ongoing organization would be formed. At campaign appearances, Sadlowski spoke of the need for such an organization with a newsletter. After the election defeat, however, the Fight Back organization was not continued The International leadership responded to the challenge of the Sadlowski campaign by passing more restrictive election rules.

Since 1977, the dissident forces in the USWA have been largely unorganized. Attempts to mount convention challenges around membership ratification have been largely ineffective. Although a number of local presidents opposed the concessions bargaining in basic steel, there was no nationally coordinated opposition.

On Nov. 19, 1983, steelworkers from around the country, many of whom had been active in the Sadlowski campaign and similar local efforts, met in Hammond, Ind., to discuss the special election. This meeting nominated Ron Weisen, President of USWA Local 1397 (U.S. Steel, Homestead Works) since 1976. Weisen, an outspoken opponent of concessions, declared his intention to run on a platform to "save our union," opposition to concessions, and support for union democracy, including membership ratification of contracts.

Although some of McKee's support appears to be motivated by hopes of personal favors if he wins, other steelworkers felt that although Weisen was the best candidate, he couldn't win. They feel that McKee is so much superior to his opponent Lynn Williams, the International secretary, that support for McKee is justified to prevent Williams' victory.

McKee's literature declares his support for such traditional oppositionist issues as membership ratification—although he failed to speak out on the issue until he became a candidate for International president.

Like the rest of the International Executive Board, McKee supported the basic steel concessions. He also endorsed other concession settlements despite his current claim to be opposed to all concessions.

As part of the McBride team, McKee's name appeared on vicious red-baiting attacks against Sadlowski. He made no attempt to differentiate himself from this literature.

Now, while claiming to be the more progressive of the two candidates on the International Executive Board, McKee spends much of his time attacking Williams' Canadian citizenship. A McKee leaflet listing the "qualifications" of the two candidates features an American flag next to McKee's name and a Canadian flag next to that of Williams' . The information on Williams includes "Not eligible to vote in U.S." and "No experience with American political system."

Weisen, on the other hand, has been an outspoken opponent of concessions, voting and speaking against them at every opportunity. He has also been a proponent of union democracy. He imports scare as another attempt by the bosses to divide workers, tricking them into supporting the interests of "their" companies, Weisen pledged to mobilize steelworkers to physically keep imported slabs out of the United States. He failed to see this as another attempt to increase profits at workers' expense.

This was a step backward from Sadlowski's 1977 program which didn't mention imports. When asked about his position at that time, Sadlowski said, "There should be much greater cooperation and unity of trade unions nationally and internationally. This is simply an attempt to divide U.S. and foreign workers on the question of imports."

A response is needed Much of the 1982 USWA International convention was devoted to talks by various Democratic Party office holders. Currently, the USWA is going all out to garner support for Walter Mondale's campaign for the Democratic Presidential nomination. McKee heads the USWA political action committee. Weisen's literature failed to address this misuse of union time, energy, and money.

Despite the weaknesses in Weisen's campaign, he was clearly the best of the three candidates. His ability to win the nominations of numerous large basic steel locals with almost no campaign organization shows the extent of steelworker dissatisfaction with current union policies.

Weisen's campaign had the potential to serve as a focus for the anger steelworkers feel over the companies' attacks of the past few years.

Some steelworkers at the Hammond meeting motivated Weisen's candidacy as the first step in reconstructing an organized opposition in the USWA. They suggested that an organization should be formed which would prepare for the upcoming International convention and local and International elections. They pointed to the need for an on-going response to the company attacks and to the need to continue pressure on the International union.

Most of those who supported Weisen will vote for McKee as the better of the two administration candidates. There is a pressing need for the type of on-going organization which could force McKee to honor his campaign promises of membership ratification and no concessions. Weisen's campaign made little progress in constructing such a group.

Despite the opportunities provided by this special election to discuss the need for an end to the business trade unionism personified by Lloyd McBride, it appears that the opposition to company attacks will still be fought as isolated skirmishes by individual local unions rather than as part of a nationally coordinated campaign to force the union to represent the interests of steelworkers rather than the profit ledgers of the bosses.

Socialist Action

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