[in Kelvinator a member of the PRT was…]

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in Kelvinator a member of the PRT was elected chairman of the strike committee but he also was fired.

S.A.: There has been an impressive rise of various kinds of mass-action organization in Mexico in the recent period. Could you describe these formations and how the PRT relates to them?

Montes: There are a number of nationwide coordinadoras (coordinating committees) in which many organizations participate. One of these concerns the urban neighborhoods. In this work the PRT has built its own mass front, the BPR (Bloque Popular Revolucionario). In Tijuana the BPR is the largest of these neighborhood committees. On the national level the BPR participates in a coordinadora called the Urban Popular Movement (MPU-Movimiento Popular Urbano). The leading group in the MPU is the OIR (Organizacion de Izquierda Revolucionaria-Organization of the Revolutionary Left).

S.A.: Before you outline more about the national coordinadoras could you stop and say something about how you relate to the various groups that compose them.?

Montes: Two years ago we decided that cooperation in mass work would be facilitated if we had closer ties with groups on the left who agreed with some of our perspectives. We drew up a list and defined a number of groups as belonging to the revolutionary left. We established ongoing relations with the group that is now called the OIR. They have Maoist origins, but have a real implantation in the working-class neighborhoods and slums, in the teachers' union, and in the peasant sector.

We drafted a joint declaration to be used internally in both organizations. We hold a monthly meeting of a commission of the leaderships of the OIR and the PRT for political discussions on the workers', peasants', and students' movements. In the past, the OIR was opposed • Montes: The PRT's peasant organization is called the CCRI (Coordinadora Campesino Revolucionario Independiente). This is like the BPR-only for peasants. At this time the CCRI has affiliated groups in 220 ejidos (peasant towns). Through the CCRI we participate in the Coordinadora Plan de Ayala (the name of a plan put forward by Zapata), a national peasant coordinadora. There are 20 peasant organizations in this front. The PRT is the strongest but by no means dominant.

There are three major national coordinadoras: urban neighborhoods, peasants, and teachers. In addition to these sectoral coordinadoras, there is the Asamblea Nacional de Obreros y Campesinos Popular-National Workers and Peasants Assembly-in which 179 groups participate.

All the left parties-including the PSUM (Communist Party)-participate in the Front Against Repression, which last October organized a national day of protest in which 1.5 million people took part in public demonstrations and work stoppages in 52 cities.

During the period of this protest a number of land occupations were carried out, some of which were led by the PRT. On Oct. 18, in Veracruz, campesinos took over two pieces of land and continued to occupy them for 20 days, until the police came and repressed them. A number of people were arrested in this action, including six from the PRT. Several were injured.

Ten days after the police intervention, the CCRI led 250 peasants 800 kilometers by train to Mexico City for a demonstration. As a result, an agreement was signed with the Minister of the Interior promising to free all those arrested in Veracruz. The prisoners were then released without any concessions being made by the PRT or the CCRI. dinadoras.

S.A.: There has been considerable government repression directed against the PRT. Could you tell our readers about that and about your response?

Montes: Our most important task is to defend the legal registration of our and Palestinian peoples!

The recent events in Lebanon have demonstrated, if any further proof were necessary, that the great majority of the Lebanese population are opposed to the Phalangist regime of Amin Gemayel that the multi-imperialist so-called MultiNational Force was sent in to prop up.

Under the hammer blows of the armed masses, Gemayel's state, which was laboriously rebuilt after October 1982 with the support of imperialist troops and under their supervision, has crumbled, leaving the true state of affairs starkly exposed: The troops of the "legal" army are as Phalangist as the militias fighting alongside them.

In view of the scope of the defeat suffered by their protege and the pressure of

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On Nov. 6, 1983, United Steelworkers of America (USWA) President Lloyd McBride died. The remaining International officers issued a statement that "Lloyd McBride personified all that was good and decent in trade unionism...His legacy was one of uncompromising trade unionism, of sacrifice to insure that past gains shall not be lost for future generations of working people and a deep and abiding respect for the principles of the Steelworkers."

Unfortunately, these fine words ring quite hollow to steelworkers — those still working, those entering the ninth month of a strike against Phelps Dodge Corporation, and the tens of thousands laid off since McBride took office in 1977. Many steelworkers have reached the conclusion the USWA pledging the union would not strike over national issues in exchange for certain gains. In 1974, Ed Sadlowski, running on a platform of increased union democracy, became director of District 31 (Chicago-Gary), the largest district in the USWA.

Steelworkers Fight Back

In September 1976, with Abel facing mandatory retirement, Sadlowski challenged the administration-backed candidate, Lloyd McBride, for International president.

Sadlowski called for increased union democracy with membership ratification of contracts and officers working for the benefit of the membership. He stated that workers lose when unions play management's productivity game. He called for increased attention to union organizWeisen was unable to secure the necessary Ill local union nominations to appear on the ballot. The official results credited him with 75 nominations. He is challenging these figures, pointing to irregularities in several locals. However, it's quite unlikely this challenge will succeed.

Although Weisen received publicity from news conferences in several steel centers, his campaign was largely unknown to rank-and-file steelworkers. This reflects the disintegration of nationally coordinated opposition in the USWA since 1977.

It also reflects a split among former Fight Back supporters. District 6 Director Dave Patterson, former District 31 Director Jim Balanoff, and former Local 1938 President Joe Samargia have all endorsed candidate Frank McKee, the current International treasurer. helped initiate the first USWA sponsored food bank, has spoken out in support of the rights of women and minorities, and has participated in actions against U.S. intervention in Central America.

Weisen's literature addressed itself to three main issues: no more concessions, save our jobs, and save our union. He called for a moratorium on further concessions, stating, "The company blackmail pitting local against local in order to get further concessions must stop immediately. The drive to lower our wages and standard of living must be reversed." In discussing productivity he said, "We lose when union leaders play management's game. When a union official's chief concern is profits, members suffer speedups, combining jobs, and layoffs. We need union leaders who will fight for steelworkers' rights first."

On the question of imports, however, Weisen fell for the company trap he correctly opposed on concessions and productivity. Instead of recognizing the